The Gordon DNA Project: www.TheGordonDNAproject.com Territorial Soldiering Aberdeen University Studies No. 68 Territorial Soldiering University of Aberdeen. COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS. Convener: Professor JAMES W. H. TRAIL, F.R. S., Curator of the Library. UNIVERSITY STUDIES. General Editor: P. J. ANDERSON, LL.B., Librarian to the University. 1900. No. X Roll of Alumni in Arts of Kings College, 1596-1860. P.J.Anderson. . ,, No. 2. Records of Old Aberdeen, 1157-1891. A. M. Munro, F'.S.A. Scot. Vol. I. ,, No. $, Place Names of \\'cst Abcrdecnshire. James Macdonald, F.S.A. Scot. 1901. No. v4- Family of Burnett of Leys. George Burnett, LL.D., Lyon King of Arms. ,, No. -5. Records of Invercauld, 1547-1828. Rev. J. G. Michie, Si. A. 1902. No. S. Rectorial Addresses in the Universities of Aberdeen, 1835-1900. P.J.Anderson. ,, No. 7. Albemarle Papers, 1746-48. Professor C. S. Terry, M.A. 1903. No. 8. House of Gordon. J. M. Bulloch, M.A. Vol.1. ,, No. o. Records of Elgin. William Cramond, LL.D. Vol. I. 1904. No. to. A vogadro and Dalton. A. N. Meldrum, D.Sc. No. -u. Records of the Sheriff Court of Aberdeenshire. David Littlejohn, LL.D. Vol. I. ,, No. 12. Proceedings of the Anatomical and Anthropological Society, 1902-04. 1905. No. 13. Report on Alcyonaria. Professor J. Arthur Thomson, M.A., and others. ,, No. 14, Researches in Organic Chemistry. Prof. F. R. Japp, F.R.S., and others. ,, No. 15. Meminisse Juvat : -with Appendix of Alakcia. Alexander Shewan, M.A. No. 16. Blackballs of that Ilk and Batra. Alexander Morison, M.D. 1906. No. -17. Records of the Scots Colleges. Vol. I. P. J- Anderson. No. T8. Roll of the Graduates, 1860-1000. Colonel William Johnston, C.B., M.D., LL.D. No. -uj. Studies in the History of the University. P. J. Anderson and others. No. ao. Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Proriinces of the Roman Empire. Professor Sir W. M. Ramsay, D.C.L., and pupils. ,, No. ~*t. Studies in Pathology. William Bulloch, M.D., and others. ,, No. 22\ Proceedings of the Anatomical and Anthropological Society, 1904-06. ,, No. 53, Subject Catalogues of the Science Library and the Law Library. P. J. Anderson. No. -44. Records of the Sheriff Court of Aberdeenshire. David Littlejohn, LL.D. Vol.11. 1907. No. $, Studies on Alcyonarians and Antipatharians. Prof. Thomson, M.A., and others. ,, No. 26. Surgical Instruments in Greek and Roman Times. J. S. Milne, M.A., M.D. ,, No. 27. Records of the Sheriff Court of Abetdeenshire. David Littlejohn, LL.D. Vol. III. ,, No. >&. Flosculi Graec i Boreales. Ser. II. Professor John Narrower, M.A. ,, No. 49. Record of the Quatcrcentenary, 1906. P.J.Anderson. No. 30. House of Gordon. J. M. Bulloch, M.A. Vol. II. 4908. No. 31. Miscellany of the New Spalding Club. Vol.11.' ,, No. -53. Religious Teachers of Greece. James Adam, Litt.D. (Gifford Lectures, 1904-06.) ,, No. -33. Science and Philosophy of the Organism. Hans Driesch, Ph.D. (Giff. Lect., 1907.) No. 34, Proceedings of the Anatomical and Anthropological Society, 1906-08. No. 35. Records of Elgin. Vol.11. Rev. S. Ree, B.D. ,, No. -36. Pigmentation Surrey of School Children. J. F. Tocher, B.Sc. 1909. No. -37. Science and Philosophy of 'Organism. Hans Driesch, Ph.D. Vol. II. (Giff. Lect., 1908.) . ,, No. 3& Studies on Alcyonarians and Hydroids. Prof. Thomson, M.A. , and others. Ser. III. ,, No. -39, Publications of Scottish Clubs. Professor C. S. Terry, M.A. ,, No. 40. Aberdeen Friars: Red, Black, White, Grey. P. J. Anderson. ,, No. .41. Studies on Alcyonarians. Professor Thomson, M.A , and others. Ser. IV. No. 42. Records of Old Aberdeen. A. M. Munro. Vol. II. 1910. No. 43. Musa L atina Aberdoncnsis : Poctae Minores. W. K. Leask, M.A. ,, No. 44. Bulletins oj 'the Aberdeen and North of 'Scotland College of Agriculture. Nos. 1-14. 191 1. No. 45. Records of Inverness. W. Mackay and H. C. Boyd. Vol. I. ,, No. 46. Zoological Studies. Professor Thomson and others. Ser. V. ,, No. 47. Subject Catalogue of the Phillips Library. No. -48- Zoological Studies. Professor Thomson and others. Ser. VI. No. -49. Anacreontic Poetry of Germany. John Lees, D. Litt. ,, No. 50. Creeds and Confessions of Faith. Professor W. A. Curtis, D. Litt. Wo. ^,1, Aberdeen Alumni at Other Universities. Parti. Professor J. Harrower, LL.D. 1912. No. 52. Royal Fishery Companies. J. R. Elder, M.A. ,, No. -$3. Zoological Studies. Professor Thomson and others. Ser. VI. No. -34. Flora of Banffshire. W. G. Craib, M.A. No. ,55* Catalogue of Anthropological Museum. Professor R. W. Reid, M.A. ,, No. 56. Physical Geology of Dee Valley. Alexander Bremner, M. A., B.Sc. No. -&f. Flora of Siam : Dicotyledones. W. G. Craib, M.A. ,, No. 58. Notes on Academic Theses. P. J. Anderson. ,, No. 59. Gordons under Arms. C. O. Skelton and J. M. Bulloch, M.A. ,, No. 60. Society of Advocates in Aberdeen. J. A. Henderson, F.S.A., Scot. 1913. No.-^i.- Flora of Siatn: Monocotyledones. W. G. Craib, M.A. ,, No.-6z. Aberdeen University Library Bulletin. Vol. I. No.. 63. Genealogies of an Aberdeen Family, 1540-1913. Rev. James Smith, B.D. 1914. No. .64. Zoological Studies. Professor Thomson and others. Ser. VIII. ,, No. 65. Highland Host of if,^. J. R. Elder, D.Litt. ,, No. 66. Bibliography of Aberdeen, Banff, and Kincardine. J. F. Kellas Johnstone. ,, No. 67. Bishop Burnet as Educationist. John Clarke, M.A. ,, No. 68. Territorial Soldiering in the North-East of Scotland during 1759-1814 J. M. Bulloch, M.A. '//,v,,,,/->. V* O PAINTED BY SIR HENRY RAEBURH LA VI V^ Territorial Soldiering / in the North-East of Scotland during 1759-1814 ' By John Malcolm Bulloch, M.A. Aberdeen Printed for the University 1914 < fl ('. I l> UPl EPISTLE DEDICATORY To His Grace the Duke of Richmond and Gordon, K.G. My Lord Duke, If the Epistle Dedicatory has fallen into desuetude, the grim business of battle is so far from being in abeyance that we have been compelled to turn the p this book has been unconsciously transformed from a mere historical excursus into a practical demonstration of what our ancestors did to meet the national crisis of a hundred years and more ago. That crisis has found Your Grace in the active ranks of recruiters, precisely as the menaces of 1759-1814. found your forefathers. You have spent your energy in summoning the youth of your Northern home to the colours. You have sent all your three sons to the front, losing the youngest of them almost within hail of Quatre Bras, to the field of which Wellington and his officers hurried from your great-grandmother's famous ball in Brussels. The gallant Regiment of Highlanders which your great-great-grandfather, the sj.th Duke of Gordon, with the help of his incomparable consort, raised, has fought and bled on the fields of France and Flanders, as its predecessor fought at Quatre Bras and Waterloo ; and your domains are sending more men and still more to fill tip the gaps in its decimated ranks. But Your Grace needed no such impetus as actual War to help you to carry on the traditions inherited from the Gay Gordons as well as from the line of Lennox. You yourself became an officer in the Guards viii. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. just fifty years ago: you saiv service in South Africa in command of the jrd Royal Sussex: for years, as President of the Territorial Associations of Banff and of Elgin, you have been closely identified with our measures for defence: and by rearranging and inventorying the unique collection of weapons, battle trophies, and colours at Gordon Castle which have been handed down to you from your ancestors, you have put students of military history under a debt of gratitude to you. As for myself, I shall not readily forget the sympathetic courtesy which prompted Your Grace to allow me to examine in my limited leisure the great array of documents from your archives bearing on the history of the four regiments which your ancestor, the 4.1/1 Duke of Gordon, raised between the years 1759 and 1794. That invaluable material, which was not at the disposal of any other historian of those regiments, is the foundation of the present volume ; and it has proved the main inspiration to carry my investigations, chiefly at the Public Record Office, to all the military forces raised in the counties of Aberdeen and Banff. And so, by reason of the military achievements of your House Gordon and Lennox alike and in virtue of your own and your sons' work in the War of 1914, this account of what the North did in the War which ended in 1814, falls most naturally to be inscribed to Your Grace by your obedient servant, JOHN MALCOLM BULLOCH. 123 Pall Mall, S. W., December the First, MDCCCCXIV. CLASSIFIED CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK. PAGE. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE SUBJECT (1759-1814) . . xiii.-lxviii. The introduction shows generally why we needed troops, and how they were raised in the North East of Scotland. REGULAR REGIMENTS OF THE LINE (1759-94) 42ND BLACK WATCH : HUNTLY'S COMPANY (1790-1) - - - 129-140 Contains a Muster Roll of 101 Names - .... 136-139 7iST FRASER'S HIGHLANDERS (1775-83) - - - 31-36 Contains a Muster Roll of the 80 Men in the Company of Captain Maxwell raised by his brother-in-law the 4th Duke of Gordon - 34-35 75TH, NOW IST GORDON HIGHLANDERS - ... 3^3, 429 Deals with Bibliography and Iconographia only. 77TH ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS (1777-83) - - ., . . 58-72 This chapter deals with the mutiny in the regiment when it was commanded by Col. William Gordon of Farskane. 87TH KEITH'S HIGHLANDERS (1759-63) 23-28 89TH RAISED BY 4TH DUKE OF GORDON (1759-65) - - - 1-22 Commanded by Staats Long Morris. Fought in India. 92ND GORDON HIGHLANDERS (RAISED 1794) xxxvii., Ixvi., 192-252 Roll of 940 First Recruits 236-252 Quatre Bras and Waterloo Casualties ------ 391-393 Height of Recruits in 1794 229, 394-396 Allied Regiment 48th (Toronto) Highlanders - - 426 Bibliography 397-427 Iconographia ------ xxxviii., Ixvii., 428-440, 441 97TH INVERNESS-SHIRE FOOT (1794-5) - - 185-191 Raised by Sir James Grant of Grant ; soon drafted. IOOTH FIRST NUMBER OF 92ND (g.v.). IOIST JOHNSTONE'S HIGHLANDERS (1760-3) - - - 29-30 Deals with the Company raised by Peter Gordon of Knockespock. ABERDEENSHIRE REGIMENT OF FOOT (1794-5) - - - 253-262 Raised by Alexander Leith-Hay ; contains a folding table of the naval and military achievements of the Leiths (facing page 254). ix. b X. CLASSIFIED CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK. PAGE. FENCIBLE REGIMENTS OF INFANTRY (1778-1803) xxxv. ABKRDEENSHIRE : PRINCKSS OF WALES'S (1794-1803) 263-269 Raised by James Leith, brother of Alexander Leith-Hay ; spent its career in Ireland. BANFFSHIRE : DUKE OF YORK'S OWN (1798-1802) - 270-275 Raised by Andrew Hay of Montblairy ; spent much of its time at Gibraltar. NORTHERN FENCIBLES (1778-83) - - 73-128 Raised by the 4th Duke of Gordon ; contains a muster roll of 295 men (pp. 119-124). NORTHERN FENCIBLES (1793-9) - 141-172 Raised by the 4th Duke of Gordon ; contains a muster roll of 240 men (pp. 152-156). STRATHSPEY FENCIBLES (1793-9) 173-184 Raised by Sir James Grant of Grant. A supplementary account of the mutiny is given at pp. 387-390. MILITIA: INFANTRY (FROM 1798) xlv. ABERDEENSHIRE (RAISED 1798) - 276-286, 414, 438 Now 3rd Battalion Gordon Highlanders. BANFFSHIRE (RAISED 1798) - 287-291 VOLUNTEERS (1794-1808) (See also Bibliography, pp. 420-422)- - liv.-lxiii. (i) ABERDEENSHIRE : ABERDEEN BATTERY (1794-1802) 293-294 ABERDEEN LIGHT INFANTRY (1799-1802) 296-298, 441 LOYAL ABERDEEN (FINLASON'S FENCIBLES) (1803-8) 310-314 ROYAL ABERDEEN (1794-1802) - 294-296 ROYAL ABERDEEN (1803-6) 3 J 5-3 J 9 ABERDEEN PIKEMEN (1804-8; - 320-321 GILCOMSTON PIKEMEN (1803-8) 319-320 OLD ABERDEEN (1798-1802) - 298-299 ABERDEENSHIRE BATTALION (1804-8) 321-322 ABERDOUR (1803-8) - 3 22 BELHELVIE (1803-8) - ... 323 CRIMOND AND LONMAY (1803-8) 3 2 4 CRUDEN (1803-8) - 3 2 4 DRUMBLADE (1803-8) 3 2 4 DYCE, NEWMACHAR, FINTRAY (1803-8) - 3 2 5 ELLON (1803-8) 3 2 5-3 2 6 FOVERAN (1803-8) - 3 26 CLASSIFIED CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK. xi. PAGE. FRASERBURGH (1797-1802) - 299-300 FRASERBURGH (1803-8) - - 326-327 GARIOCH (1798-1802) .... 300 GARTLY (1798-1802) - - ... 300 HUNTLY (1798-1802)- - - 301 HUNTLY (1803-8) - ... 327-328 KlNTORE AND INVERURIE (1803) 328 LESLIE (1798-1802?) - - 301-302 LOGIE BUCHAN AND SLAINS (1803-8) - - 329 LOGIE DURNO (1803) - - - 329 MELDRUM (1803-8) - - 329-330 METHLICK (1803-8) - 330 MONQUHITTER (1803-8) 331 MONYMUSK AND KEMNAY (1803) - ... 331-332 OLD MELDRUM (1799-1802) - - - 302-303 PETERHEAD (1795-1802) - - 303-304 PETERHEAD (1803-8) 332-334 RATHEN (1803-8) 334-335 ROSEHEARTY (1799-1802) - 305 ROSEHEARTY (1803-8) - 335 ST. FERGUS AND LONGSIDE (1803-8) - - 335 STRATHBOGIE (see Huntly). STRATHDON (1798-1802) - - 305 TARVES (1803-8) 336 TYRIE AND STRICKEN (1803-8) 336 UDNY (1803-8) - - 336-337 (2) BANFFSHIRE : ABERLOUR AND BOHARM (1798-1802) 345 ALVAH (1797-1802) - 345, 349, 35 BALVENY (1798-1802) 346 BANFF TOWN (1794-1802) 339-344, 349, 35 BANFF TOWN (1803-8) - - 355-360 BOYNDIE (1803-8) - ... 361, 369 BOYNE (1797-1802) - - 345, 349, 350 CULLEN (1797-1802) - - - 346, 349, 350, 363 CULLEN (1803-8) - - - 361, 369 ENZIE (1797-1802) - 346, 349, 350, 363 FORGLEN (1797-1802) - 345, 349, 35 GRANGE (1797-1802) - - 347, 349, 350 GRANGE (1803-8) - - - 361, 369 KEITH (1798-1802) - 347-348 MACDUFF (1798-1802) 348, 349, 35 MARNOCH (1803-8) 361, 369 Xll. CLASSIFIED CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK. PAGE. NEWMILL (1798-1802) 348-349 PORTSOY (1798-1802) - - 349, 350 PORTSOY (1803-8) - . 361, 369 ROTH i EM AY (1797-1802?) - 349 ROTHIEMAY (1803-8)- 361,369 LOCAL MILITIA (1808- 1 6) Ixiii., 370-386, 422 BIBLIOGRAPHY (to 1914) - .... 397.427, 441 75TH REGIMENT (NOW IST GORDON HIGHLANIJERS) - - - 398-400 92ND REGIMENT (NOW 2ND GORDON HIGHLANDERS) - - - 400-414 VOLUNTEERS 415-425 ICONOGRAPHIA (tO igi 4 ) . XXXVlii., Ixvii., 4 28- 44 O INDEX (by Miss Jean E. Kennedy) 443 ILLUSTRATIONS. ALEXANDER, 4TH DUKE OF GORDON Frontispiece The tfh Duke of Gordon (1743-1827) raised four of the regiments dealt with in this book, besides supplying one company each to two others. This picture was painted by Sir Henty Raeburn (1756-1823) and hangs in the Manchester City Art Gallery, which acquired it from Ag news on June 9, 1902, being reproduced here in Annan photogravure by kind permission of the Corporation. GORDON HIGHLANDER OFFICER - Facing page 192 This picture, by L. Mansion and St. Escliauzier, was drawn for Spooner's Upright Series (1833-40). The original size is io| in. by 9 in. It was reproduced 7| in. by 6$ in. for Mr. Ralph NevilPs " British Military Prints? issued in 1909 by the " Connoisseur" to the publishers of which I am much indebted for the loan of the (three) colour blocks. These blocks have been slightly pared to suit the size of the present bage. They have been printed by George W. Jones, at the Sign of the Dolphin in Cough Square, Fleet Street, London. (Seep. 431.) BANFFSHIRE LOCAL MILITIA Page 442 This represents the actual size of a (brass) part of the uniform, ft was picked up by Mr. James Grant, County Clerk of Banffshire, end presented by him to J. M. Bulloch. A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. The year Nineteen Hundred and Fourteen will never be forgotten. Not only did it witness the outbreak of the greatest war in history, but it marked a series of anniversaries bearing on war. This wonderful year was the six hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Bannockburn, which not only set Scotland free, but forms a landmark in the art of war by showing that Infantry is the backbone of an army. This year was the two hundredth anniversary of the accession of the House of Hanover, which, by rousing a large part of Scotland to arms on behalf of the Stuarts, made the subsequent commandeering of the Scot for the purposes of national defence at once timely and timorous. And this year was the hundredth anniversary of the Peace with France and with America, thereby closing down a prolonged period of real national defence, which made Scotland feel acutely for the first time the full price of the Union with England. But although all these historic events have an inter-dependent connection beyond the facile similarity of date ; although we are once more discussing for the thousandth time the subject of defence and citizen service as a problem of current politics ; and although men are writing naval and military history and compiling regimental records at a rate unknown to us before almost as if to checkmate the Angells who are piping for Peace this book has not been planned as a livre de circonstance, however " topical " its appearance at this particular moment may be, except in as much as none of us can escape from streams of tendency. Nor has it been primarily conditioned by my keen interest in the House of Gordon, which has contributed so largely to the whole art of war. On the contrary, my absorption in the family of Gordon has arisen from a previous and boyish interest in soldiering, for I was writing, in 1887 and 1888, on the history of the Wapinschaw, the Covenanting skirmishes in Aberdeenshire, the Jacobites and the Volun- teers before I ever tackled the enormous subject of Gordon genealogy ; XIV. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. and my immediate re-introduction to the latter was the professional necessity of having to describe the part played by the Gordon High- landers in the capture of the heights of Dargai in October, 1897. But the subject of soldiering had attracted me long before any of these things. One of the earliest recollections of my childhood is a slender, blue-boarded quarto, in the centre of which stood a gilded isosceles triangle bearing the words spelt phonetically as if for nursery use YE NOBELL CHEESE-MONGER. At that time, of course, I did not know what an isosceles triangle meant, or that the appella- tion " Cheese-monger " had any touch of the ludicrous ; but the first page of the volume, printed in colours, was irresistibly comic to my childish eye. It showed a crowd of coatless Lilliputians tugging grotesquely at ropes to pull down backwards the martial-cloaked, clean- shaven figure of the Duke of Gordon from his granite pedestal in the Castlegate ; while another group in front was engaged with equal enthusiasm in elevating towards the about-to-be vacated site the figure of a dumpy man in a green uniform and bushy whiskers, looking a little alarmed at the honour that was being thrust upon him. I say this picture struck my childish fancy, not from the retrospective stand- point of one of those psychological prodigies of Mr. Henry James's imagining, but because the anonymous artist, Sir George Reid, had sketched unerringly an irresistibly comic situation, of which the bearded Joey and Harlequin is the locus classicus. Besides this, the rare occasions on which the book was shown to us for it was one of six copies produced (in 1861) was enough to make the occasional perusal of it something like a red-letter day ; and,, furthermore, I used to " play at soldiers " in a tunic and belt, with the word " Bon-Accord " on it, which my father had worn as a fellow member with the aforesaid artist of the Cheese-monger's Volunteer corps. In picturing the Duke as a Prometheus, bound helpless before the advance of the Cheese-monger, the satirist it is strange that he rarely, if ever, again lent his pen to humour was instituting no comparison between the social status of his Grace and the grocer. While he was primarily aiming at pitting the amateur, the Volunteer, against the professional, he was also viewing both from the standpoint of the civilian of that period, just as Punch itself was doing; thereby, with a keen, though perhaps unconscious, sense of history, seizing on our A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. XV. traditional and deep-seated attitude as a nation to the business of soldiering. To take but one example, everybody knows the difficulty which was experienced in establishing a Standing Army, for it figures to this day in the preamble of the Army Annual Bill, by which the Army is rhetorically renewable year by year: " Whereas the raising or keeping of a Standing Army within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in time of peace, unless it be by the consent of Parliament, is against the law." As a people we do not understand the Army qua Army ; we recognise it as but one of the instruments of State, the purpose of which is to uphold the honour of the Nation. When that honour is not at stake, the instrument always tends to become rusty. When danger arises, we begin sharpening the old instrument and improvising new ones for the emergency ; the South African War was an absolutely typical example, and precisely the same thing has been done in the war of 1914. It is of such improvisation that this volume treats. It is not a history of Highland regiments like Stewart of Garth's classic work. It is not an account of Scotland's military system from early times after the manner of Lady Tullibardine in the case of Perthshire. It is not an application of Mr. Fortescue's 1803-1814 treatment of the County Lieutenancies ; and it is not a history of the Volunteers, the force to which we have come to apply the term Territorial. It is an account of how two counties, Aberdeen and Banff, contributed to the herculean efforts put forth by the United Kingdom from 1757 to 1814 to extend her frontiers and to hold what she already possessed. I have confined myself to these two counties (except in including the two Strathspey regiments) because Kincardine was always associated with Forfarshire and Elgin and Nairn with Inverness, as Banffshire itself became in the matter of Militia. Indeed, Aberdeenshire alone of the north-east counties has always been a distinct unit. I have used the word Territorial,* not in the modern restricted use which connotes the old Volunteering, but because the whole effort of recruiting and not the subsequent tactical disposition of the forces so *The Nottinghamshire Regiment (now the 1st Battalion of the Derbyshire Regiment), raised in 1779, initiated the Territorial system (Fortescue's History of the British Army, iii., 291). xvi. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. raised in the north during the period under review was conducted with a frank recognition by the State of local conditions. First, in the case of Regular regiments it was carried out under the aegis of the great territorial lords ; later on, in the case of some of the Fencible regiments, under the influence of professional soldiers who had some local connection ; then, in the case of the Militia, Volunteers and Local Militia under the management of the Lord Lieutenants, with or without the compulsive aid of the ballot. My last, main aim has been not to describe the actual service of these forces when raised, but to show the mechanism used to raise them, for, difficult as it is to find the data, this is really the most useful fact for the modern reader to understand. In this introduction I shall sketch the general principles under which the various regiments in the north-east of Scotland from 1759 to 1814 were raised. The spirit of territorialism, not to say parochialism, was the pivot of this mechanism ; indeed, it was so dominating that the ultimate reason why the mechanism was set in motion tended to become obscured. The opening statement of Mr. Fortescue in his County Lieutenancies and the Army is to a large extent true of Scotland " The military system of England from the close of the Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century was practically, though with superficial differ- ences, the same. To every place which required a garrison a small permanent force was indissolubly attached, and for the purposes of war an army was improvised." Thus a place like Aberdeen had its " block- house," under the control of the Town Council ; and the Army, such as it was, was as visible, as local, a fact as any other aspect of municipal control. In the country districts the laird became the pivot, and the raising of troops was as much a personal matter as the levy of the old feudal lords in return for tenure of land. The Highland regiments recall the fact to this day better than any other type of troops, for they wear in their uniforms the mottoes and the badges of the individual families concerned in their creation, such as " Bydand " and the stag's head of the Gordon Highlanders, and the appearance of the arms of the com- pany commanders, for the time being, on the pipe banners. Many other instances might be cited ; suffice it for the moment to say that the spirit of territorialism with all its idiosyncracies conditioned, in varying A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xvii. degree, all the troops raised in the north-east of Scotland during the period, 1759-1814, under review, and it has been strongly reasserted on four subsequent occasions the raising of the Volunteers in 1859; Cardwell's allotment of infantry regiments to territorial recruiting districts in 1872 (when the Gordons got " Bydand " and the stag's head in lieu of the Sphinx and the word " Egypt " for cap badge) ; Childers' linked, or rather "welded," battalion system of 1881 ; and Lord Haldane's Territorial and Reserve Forces Act of 1907, which aims at making national defence an integral part of local government. Now in view of these facts it is very curious that soldiering has not been considered a matter of real territorial interest among us. Nothing proves this point more clearly than its meagre treatment in local newspapers and the indifference shown by nearly all local historians past masters of the minute as they are to anything dealing with defence, or what is called " the military," a phrase which sums up the separateness of the army from citizenship. Thus a book like the late Mr. A. M. Munro's history of Old Aberdeen has nothing to tell us of the Aulton Volunteers ; and Dr. Cramond confined his reference to the subject in Banff to a nonpareil note hidden away among the Town Council minutes. The irony of Sir George Reid in " Ye Nobell Cheese- monger " was thoroughly characteristic of the attitude of his period. Not only has the subject been treated with indifference, but in actual practice soldiering for long encountered active opposition. So far as Regular soldiering is concerned, every man of middle age can recall that in his youth it was almost anathema, and will recognise the verisimilitude of Mr. R. J. MacLennan's wit in his volume of Aberdeen sketches, In Yon Toon : Miss Macpherson " It's a terrible thing aboot Mrs. Thomson's loon, isn't it ? " Mrs. Simpson " O, fit was that. I didna hear o't." Miss Macpherson " He's jined the sojers." Mrs. Simpson (raising her hands heavenwards) " Jined the sojers, has he? Eh, my good! An' his mither will be richt pitten aboot. Aye, an' this her washin' day, too. Eh, my! " This point of view has largely changed in recent years, and it would no longer be possible to re-create a Nobell Cheese-monger ; yet the spirit underlying such incidents, and exhibiting antagonism to the centralised military ideal has not been wholly exorcised, as the policy XVlii. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. of the Aberdeen Town Council on the use of the Links as a rifle range has served to show us. That attitude is due to no unpatriotic contrari- ness ; it is created by local conditions, which were much more an- tagonistic in the period dealt with by this inquiry. It has therefore been far from easy to get at data for the present volume, especially in reference to the mechanism employed in raising troops. Luckily there is a large number of documents at Gordon Castle dealing with the regiments raised by the 4th Duke of Gordon, and I have to thank the Duke of Richmond and Gordon for the privilege of examining them at my leisure. The charter chests of other families engaged in raising men might furnish similar papers, but I have not been able to get access to them. Such documents, of course, tell us little or nothing about regiments once they had been handed over to the State. Here we must consult the War Office papers now housed at the Public Record Office, London ; and extensive as the data are, the whole- sale destruction of documents in the past shows us that the military authorities could be as indifferent as the civilian local historian. The old system by which regiments kept their own records, carting them about with other impedimenta, was thoroughly bad and involved serious and from some points of view, not unnatural destruction from time to time.* Many of the documents that have been preserved have not been seen by students. This was especially the case with the series of Volunteer pay rolls, all of which had to be specially stamped for me to examine, showing that they had never been given out to the * A classic case which has recently occupied the attention of the Royal Com- mission on Public Records has been kindly cited for me by the Secretary, Mr. Hubert Hall, of the Record Office ; and it is interesting 1 as showing that the Horse Guards seem to have had a different point of view from the War Office. On April 10, 1824, the Adjutant- General wrote from the Horse Guards to the officer commanding the 24th Regiment that he had heard that "almost the whole" of the Regimental Records of that corps had been destroyed : " I am commanded by H.R.H. to call upon you to state distinctly by whose authority so unmilitary and unwarrantable a proceeding has taken place, in order that the Commander-in-Chief may visit the author of it with some mark of his serious displeasure." A few days later he communicated with the Deputy- Secretary at War, to whom he wrote again on October 22, 1824 : " I have the honor to transmit herewith the Draft of a General Order which it is proposed to issue to the Army, requiring Commanding Officers of Regiments on embarking for Foreign Service, to leave at their Depots in this country the Books and Records for the antecedent five years which may not be required for frequent reference at the Head- quarters, but which are necessary to be preserved." I deal (p. 228) with the almost miraculous preservation of the first Description Registers of the Q2nd. A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xix. public before. I have also examined minutely the Home Office series of documents known as " Internal Defence," the trackless desert of which was first traversed, and to such good purpose, by Mr. Fortescue in The County Lieutenancies and the Army (1909), his journey through- out the whole 326 volumes and bundles being, of course, much more exhaustive and exhausting he says it was " maddening " to write his book than one confined to two counties. These documents alone form my excuse for dealing with the Militia and Volunteers, for both forces had already been tackled by Colonel Innes and Mr. Donald Sinclair. That, however, has only added to my difficulty, for I have had to in- corporate the new material without rewriting their work and thus cumbering space needlessly. The personal side of the subject remains most imperfect in the absence of Description Registers and the biographies of officers. To follow that up completely would require a knowledge as extensive as Mrs. Skelton's in Gordons under Arms, plus a genealogical equipment such as probably no individual scholar possesses. The greatest difficulty is presented by the Volunteers, as if these officers had been shy of publicity, foreseeing the ridicule cast by Mr. Meredith on the great Mel,* the tailor in Evan Harrington, which was published in the very year that Sir George Reid immortalised the Cheese-monger. I am very well aware that some of my conclusions on the influence of territorialism may be regarded by some readers, especially profes- sional soldiers, as highly controversial. But there can be no doubt what- ever that national aspirations and local idiosyncracies largely conditioned the efforts to raise troops in the middle of the eighteenth century. We are all familiar with the facile theory that when Great Britain set out on her sixty years of world-conquest in 1757, she had only to beckon to her northern people and that soldiers sprang to attention like gourds, if only because the spirit of military adventure satisfied the martial hunger of a race that had been reared on fighting, but had been * "At that period, when threats of invasion had formerly stirred up the military fire of us Islanders, the great Mel, as if to show Napoleon what character of being a British shopkeeper really was, had, by remarkable favour, obtained a lieutenancy of militia dragoons : in the uniform of which he had revelled, and perhaps for the only time in his life felt that circumstances had suited him with a perfect fit. His solemn final commands to his wife . . . had been that, as soon as the breath had left his body, he should be taken from his bed . . . and in that uniform dressed and laid out." (Chap. ii.). XX. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. deliberately starved for forty years by reason of its exploits on behalf of Jacobitism. There could be no more misleading interpretation of history, no greater blindness to the essential territorial fact, for the simple reason that the half century of Union had not obliterated Scotland's individual consciousness ; her point of view still differed greatly from that of the dominant partner. In the first place, Scotland had been friendly on political, tempera- mental and dynastic grounds with England's traditional enemy, France. When the fruits of the Union seemed likely to be spoilt by some of the Scots' preference for the essentially French line of Stuart, France had become unusually friendly to "these aspirations ; so that we find a Scots officer, Thomas Gordon, who had been transferred to the English Navy, deliberately using his professional opportunities to make French aid to the Jacobites the more available. But even if she had been inspired with the English bias, Scotland was far removed from that strip of Channel which kept England constantly on the alert. Indeed, so far from rousing Scotland, the sea had a terrifying effect at any rate on the Highland levies, and more than one mutiny arose out of the soldiers' intense dislike, even horror, of ships. When at last Scotland was threatened by France as part and parcel of the United Kingdom, the danger, as the minister of Aberarder plainly told the Duke of Gordon in a remarkable letter of 1778, was "too remote" to make some of the inland districts worry. Indeed, from every point of view, the reasons why Scotland should buckle on her armour against France were far less obvious than in the case of England. The Effect of Jacobitism. The reasons why Scotland was not so predisposed as England was to take to soldiering went further than the greater absence of motive. For ten years before the opening of the great campaign for the posses- sion of India in 1757, the best part of warlike Scotland had been deliber- ately dispossessed of whatever arms she possessed, the dominant partner being thoroughly frightened at the possibility of another pro-Jacobite attempt, despite the fact that the disarming Acts of 1716 and 1725 had actually contributed to encourage the hopes of the exiled house of Stuart. The Act of 1746 (19 Geo. II cap. 39) " for the more effectual disarming the Highlands in Scotland" an extraordinarily "absent- A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xxi. minded " move seeing that the interrupted campaign in the Low Countries against the brilliant Marshal Saxe was being renewed at this very moment was even more drastic, involving part of Dumbarton and Stirling, and the whole of Argyll, Perth, Forfar, Kincardine, Aberdeen, Banff, Nairn, Elgin, Inverness, Ross, Cromarty, Sutherland and Caith- ness. The prohibition of the Highland dress not removed till 1782 was another blow in the same direction ; while the Heritable Jurisdic- tions Act of 1747 broke up the feudal power of the great landowners in such a way as to frustrate their later desire to raise troops. The fear of the Highlanders rising again is brought out in a letter which Lord Findlater wrote to the Duke of Newcastle on July 8, 1748 (Add. MSS., 32,715 f. 323) : It is said that ther is an intention to turn the two Highland Regi- ments [the names are not given] into Independent Companies to be sent to the Highlands. ... I am sure it wou'd prove a most pernicious scheme, for it wou'd effectively spread and keep up the warlike spirit there and frustrate all measures for rooting it out. . . . It would be dangerous to scatter such a number of military Highlanders in their own country. . . . No Highlanders ought to be employed in the Highlands, but a small number of pick'd ones to serve for guides for the regular troops. The disarming edict affected whole communities as well as in- dividuals. Thus, Aberdeen was deprived of its ordnance in 1745, lest it should fall into the hands of the rebels, and this led to a strong protest from the Provost, July 11, 1759, when the coast towns were becoming frightened of France, all the more as Regular troops had been withdrawn to fill up the gaps in our scattered army. On July 12, 1759, the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, as prseses of the Convention of Burghs, memorialised the Secretary of State, Lord Holdernesse, as follows (P.R.O.; S.P. Scotland: series 2: bundle 45: No. 59): The Burroughs of Scotland which are situated on the East Coast from the river Tay northwards, having represented to the annual Con- vention of the Royal Burroughs now mett here, that in consequence of the orders given to the troops gathered among them to march thither, they will be in a very dangerous situation ; for, being disarmed by law, they are altogether unable to defend themselves from the enemy, who may attack them successfully even with ships of very small force. The Convention having heard their representative, and being desireous that something may be done for their safety and security XXU. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. while the troops are removed at a distance, have directed me as their praeses humbly to lay their case before your lordship. We are far from complaining of the measure of the removal of the troops, being sensible that these orders have been given for weighty and good reasons. We only beg your lordship will have the. goodness to represent to our most gracious Sovereign the present defenceless, and, therefore, dangerous state of these burroughs, that he may be pleased to give out orders for their safety as he shall see proper, and which the public security will best admitt of. If a 40- or a 2O-gun ship could be spared from the service, and ordered to cruize from Fifeness to Buchanness, we are hope full that the evils we dread would hereby be effectually prevented. But this we humbly suggest with the greatest submission. Even when the luck turned in our favour, as in the capitulation of Quebec, and after arms had been sent 400 stand were given to the town in August, 1759 (W.O. i., 614) Aberdeen felt as nervous as ever, because the people did not know how to use these arms. Thus, the Magistrates wrote to Holdernesse on October 21, 1759 (Ibid. No. 84) : It is with great reluctancy we presume to trouble your Lo'p. at this critical juncture, when you are overburdened with publick affairs. But necessity obliges us to have recourse to your Lo'p. for relieff and assistance, when we are threatned with such immediate danger. Your Lordship knows there are no troops on the East Coast of Scotland betwixt the Murray ffrith and the Frith of Forth, so that this town, being a place of the greatest consequence for the number of its inhabitants and manufactures betwixt the two ffriths, and situate centri- cally betwixt them in an open sandy bay, where a number of troops could be landed in a very short space of time, and so we are much exposed to the invasion of a forreign enemy, and there is great reason to believe, may be the first place that will be attacked. And tho' His Majesty and the Ministry have been graciously pleased to furnish us with some arms and ammunition, yet, our citizens having been long out of use of arms, it cannot be expected that they are in case to oppose a forreign enemy without the assistance of regular troops. We are making the best use we can of the arms sent us, and are learning our citizens to the proper exercise of them, and, were there regular troops to mix with them, and animate them to action, we are hopeful they would do great service. As we are presently so much exposed and in a defenceless state, we must implore His Majesty and the Ministry to order a regiment of Regular troops to be cantoned along our coast, and make this the head quarters, so as they may quickly repair to any place that may be A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xxiii. attacked. It will likewise be most necessary to order as many as can be spared of the King's Ships to cruize along our Coast, and protect us against the invasion of a forreign enemy with which we are daily threatened. Not only was Aberdeen robbed of arms, but it was deprived of the men who could have borne them, for the memorial goes on to state : We have of late furnished a vast number of men, as well for the land as the sea service, and gave large bountys for their encouragement ; and, as we pay our taxes regularly, we humbly apprehend we are entitled to the Government's protection. And therefore we beg leave once more to implore His Majesty and the Ministry to comply with this our most humble and earnest request. A case in point is quoted in the Aberdeen Journal, March 16, 1756, which shows how compulsion was forced on the local authorities : On Tuesday last [March 9, 1756] there was a very hot Press for mariners and seafaring men, which was conducted with the greatest secrecy, vigilance and activity. The Provost, having received Orders from above, concerted the plan of operation with Colonel Lambert, commanding Holms's regiment here ; and in the forenoon of that day parties were privately sent out to guard all the avenues leading to and from the town, as also the harbour mouth ; and, immediately before the Press began, guards were placed on all the ports of the town. A little after two o'clock, the Provost, Magistrates, Constables and Town Sergeants, with the assistance of the military, and directed by Colonel Lambert, laid hold on every sailor and seafaring man that could be found within the harbour and town, and in less than an hour, there were about 100 taken into custody, and, after examination, 35 were committed to gaol as fit for service. Since that time several more sailors have been apprehended, as also land men of base and dissolute lives ; and on Sunday last [March 14] were brought in from Peterhead and committed to gaol six sailors who were sent to town under a guard of General Holms's regiment. There are now from 40 to 50 in prison on the above account, and the Press still continues. Nothing could show more poignantly if you have any imagination the intense hunger for fighting men ; but this kind of raid appeased only one form of the hunger, namely the clamant necessities of the State, which ran to earth any kind of men, anywhere and anyhow. But it left two other maws, mainly local, not only unsatisfied but more hungry than ever. If it appeased the great, and mostly unseen, campaign of aggression carried on by the nation at large, it neglected XXIV. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. the less showy necessities of internal defence, leaving the coastwise communities robbed of their manhood, and consequently panic-stricken at the thought of invasion. Then it starved the great landlords, who for very definite reasons of their own were beginning to raise regiments from among their vassals, very much as the feudal squires had been doing centuries before, and who found men increasingly difficult to get, until at last their personal and financial resources became thoroughly exhausted in the process and their task had to be taken up by the local authorities. Faced by the local fact, the Government at last began attacking the problem, so far as the north was concerned, on much more sym- pathetic lines by recognising that territorial needs must be met by territorial means and that it was highly advisable to raise infantrymen by consent instead of by the hole-and-corner and antagonising tyranny of the Press Gang for a service which was really alien to the genius of the people. The new policy was opened in 1757, the year after the Press Gang raid which I have described, which witnessed the inauguration of Clive's decisive campaign in India. The old fear of Jacobitism was going (as we see by the interesting fact that even old Glenbucket's grandson, William Gordon, was granted permission by the Sheriff Depute of Banffshire to wear arms again), and the new hope of arming the High- landers for the service of the State was begun. On January 4, 1757, the Hon. Archibald Montgomerie, nth Earl of Eglinton (1726-96) got a commission to raise a regiment (the 77th), while the 78th was raised by the Hon. Simon Fraser, de jure I2th Lord Fraser of Lovat (1726-82), under commission dated January 5, 1757. Of course, neither Montgomerie nor Fraser invented the idea of utilising the Highlander for soldiering. That must be credited to the Black Watch which, I believe, Mr. Andrew Ross is right in tracing back, not to 1725 as Stewart and all his imitators state, but to 1667, when the 2nd Earl of Atholl got a commission to raise men to be. a constant guard for securing the peace in the Highlands, and " to watch upon the braes." The idea had also been taken up again in 1745 when the 4th Earl of Loudon raised a Highland regiment which fought at Prestonpans and was afterwards taken to Flanders. But the Rebellion put a complete end to this kind of military experiment, and nothing more was done A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. XXV. until 1757, when Montgomerie and Fraser got their commissions to raise two Highland regiments of the line, the 77th and /8th, to help the nation in the ambitious adventures afoot on the Indian and Canadian continents. The necessity of the nation was just the opportunity that the High- land chiefs wanted. Montgomerie, of course, was a Lowlander, though he was connected by marriage with the Highlands, and had always been loyal. But Fraser had been reared in the atmosphere of rebellion, and had served under the Prince in the 'Forty-Five, being attainted like his father, the notorious Lord Lovat. The rebel chiefs had come to see that something more was necessary than a sulky acceptance of the new House of Hanover ; they felt that they must do something positive ; and their territorial position, even if the feeling of clanship was on the wane, gave them the chance of helping the State in its great hour of need. Montgomerie tapped Aberdeenshire for two companies one of them being commanded by a son of the 3rd Earl of Aboyne as we learn from the "state" of his regiment, dated Nairn, March 9, 1757 (W.O. i : 974). The amazing point about this return, which shows 10 companies, is the number of men rejected, 472 recruits being " not ap- proved " out of a total of 1,029. Men Ap- Not Company Commander. raised. proved. approved. Where raised. Lieut. -Colonel Montgomery - 109 102 7 Athole and Strathdearn. Major Grant - 230 230 Strathspey and Urquhart. Major Campbell 80 80 West Highlands. Capt. Sinclair - no no Sutherland and Caithness. Capt. Hugh Mackenzie - 83 60 23 Glasgow and Ross-shire. Capt. [Hon. John] Gordon - 76 30 46 Edinburgh and Aberdeenshire. [of Glentanner.] Capt. Alexander Mackenzie - 117 117 Perthshire and Aberdeenshire. Capt. M'Donald 43 23 20 Edinburgh and Skye. Capt. Munro - - -112 112 Fairn Donald. Capt. Roderick M'Kenzie - 69 69 Kintail. 1,029 557 472 " The draughts intended for sergeants and corporals are not included in the above return." Fraser kept more to his native county of Inverness, but he, too, had a Gordon officer Cosmo Gordon, of unknown origin, who was killed at Quebec in 1760. d XXVI. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Nothing more was done for two years; but in 1759 the growing necessities of the situation the compaigns against the French in India and Canada, and the threat of invasion called for further efforts. The Secretary at War, Lord Harrington, issued a memorandum which strikingly illustrates the clamorous need for soldiers {Add. MSS. 32,893, f. 62): Whereas the King's Dominions are publickly threaten'd to be invaded by the French, who are making great and expensive prepara- tions for that purpose : And,whereas some of His Majesty's Corps of Troops in Great Britain are not so full as at such a juncture might be wish'd, especially at a season of the year when it can not be expected that they should be immediately compleated by the usual methods of recruiting ; Declaration is hereby made that any man may inlist in the Army on the following conditions : He shall not upon any account or pretence whatever be obliged to go out of Great Britain, even tho' the Regiment wherein he serves should be sent abroad : He shall be intitled to his discharge on demand at the end of the War, or sooner in case it shall appear to His Majesty that the French have layM aside their design! of invading Great Britain. The North tackled the problem much more energetically by raising three totally new regiments the 8/th (Keith's) ; the 88th (Campbell of Dunoon's) ; and the 8gth (the Duke of Gordon's). It is with the last that I start this book, for though Aberdeenshire contributed both to Montgomerie's in 1757 and to Keith's, the 89th was the first complete corps produced by the north-east of Scotland. I may add that I have gone into the foreign service of the 89th at greater length than that of any of the other regiments dealt with for the simple reason that it has hitherto been much neglected by military historians, although it did excellent work in India under Hector Munro. From the moment in 1759 when these big efforts were put forward, down to 1814, when the Peace with France and with America called a long halt, the north-east of Scotland was perpetually thinking of soldiers. The necessities of the national situation synchronise exactly with local efforts as the following parallel statement of outstanding events prove : A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xxvii. THE NATIONAL PROBLEM. 1759 French lose Quebec. , defeated, Quiberon Bay. 1760 , invade Ireland. , defeat at Wandiwash. 1761 , lose Pondicherry. , lose Belle Isle. 1762 War declared with Spain. 1763 Peace of Paris. Patna : Mir Cassim defeated. 1764 Buxar : Nabob of Oude defeated. 1775-82 American War. 1778-83 War with France. 1779-82 Gibraltar besieged. !779-&3 Spain wars on Britain. 1779-81 ist Mahratta war. 1781-83 War with Holland. 1780-84151 Mysore war. 1783 Peace (of Versailles) with France. 1789-92 2nd Mysore war. 1792-97 ist Coalition against France (Austria, Prussia, and Great Britain). !797 Spain defeated : Cape St. Vincent. Naval mutiny at the Nore. Dutch defeated : Camperdown. 1798-9 Irish rebellion. 1798 French defeated : Nile. 1798-9 3rd Mysore war. 1801 French defeated : Alexandria. Danes defeated : Copenhagen. 1802 Peace (of Amiens) with France. THE TERRITORIAL SOLUTION. 1759-63 87th : Keith's Highlanders Fought in Flanders. 1759-65 89th : (Gordon's Highlanders) Fought in India. 1760-6310151 : Johnstone's Highlanders Partly recruited and officered in Aberdeenshire. 1775-837131: Fraser's Highlanders 4th Duke of Gordon laised Coy. 1777-83 77th : Atholl Highlanders Commanded by Col. Gordon. 1 777-83 8 ist : Aberdeenshire High- landers. 1778-83 Northern Fencibles Raised by 4th Duke of Gordon. 1790-91 Black Watch Company Raised by 4th Duke of Gordon. J 793'99 Northern Fencibles. 1 793-99 Strathspey Fencibles. 1 793-95 97th : Strathspey Regiment. 1794 icoth (afterwards 92nd) : Gordon Highlanders. 1794-95 logth : Aberdeenshire Foot Raised by Alexander Leith- Hav. 1 794- 1 803 Aberdeenshire Fencibles Raised by James Leith. 1794-1802 Volunteers Abetdeenshirehad 33 Companies. Banffshire had 20 Companies. 1798-1802 Banffshire Fencibles Raised by Hay of Montblairy. 1798 Aberdeenshire Militia Now 3rd Battalion Gordon Highlanders. 1 803-8 Volunteers Aberdeenshire had 53 Companies. Banffshire had 2 Battalions. 1808-14 Local Militia Aberdeenshire had 5 Regiments. Banffshire had i Regiment. 1803 France declares War. Emmet rising in Ireland. 1803-6 2nd Mahratta war. 1805 Battle of Trafalgar. 1806 Sepoy mutiny at Vellore. 1807 Danes defeated : Copenhagen. 1808-14 Peninsular war. 1809 Walcheren expedition. 1814, April ii Peace with France (Treaty of Paris). 1814, July 6 Volunteers and Local Militia disbanded and thanked by Parliament. 1814, December 24 Peace with America (Treaty of Ghent). 1859, May 12 Volunteer Force revived (to counter France). 1908, April i Territorial Army inaugurated. XXV111. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Such were the vast enterprises undertaken by the State, and such the aid afforded by our district. On the one hand you find a grandiose Foreign Policy (the one local newspaper contained little else than foreign " intelligence," its information about the soldiering that was going on being of the most meagre kind) ; on the other, you are confronted, and some readers may be bewildered, by an extraordinary particularism, based on a complete, and perhaps necessary, submission to local condi- tions. This, of course, was not the monopoly of the district ; it was national ; for, if Seeley's doctrine of the absentmindedness of our " expansion " seems too obvious to some critics, there can be little doubt that the policy of defence was one long series of experiments in the art of opportunism to suit the ideals of an island race, reaching a climax in 1803 in Addington and his Secretary for War, Lord Hobart, whose " blindness," " weakness " and " folly," evoke the wrath of Mr. Fortescue. The War Office was conditioned by this particularism, by the mental outlook of the Scot in general and the Highlander in particular, first in the matter of getting men, and secondly in the art of keeping them once they had been got ; and the authorities had to pay a heavy price for any attempts, conscious or not, to over-rule local sentiment. First, with regard to getting men, the State was confronted by everything making for clannishness. It must be remembered that the Highlanders were essentially home birds, devoted to their own district, to their own friends and leaders ; the world-famous wandering Scot was almost exclusively of the Lowland type. The Celt's love of his native soil, which has informed so much of our politics, and which is so finely expressed in the " Canadian Boat Song," was so intense that it strongly militated against the success of such a small adventure as the Jacobite march to Derby, even though the clans were intensely interested in the main object of the exploit. Therefore when they were asked to support a scheme in which they did not feel themselves personally involved and which meant not merely a departure from their native glens but a journey across the seas, it became very difficult to induce the Highlanders to support it. If they agreed to go, it was only on condition that they did so with the people they knew and under the command of the leaders they respected, so that casual recruiting among them would have been next to useless ; you had to recruit the whole A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xxix. clan, as it were, and establish a Highland Regiment, which considered itself as much a unity in the heart of the whole army as a foreign embassy remains inviolable territory in the capital in which it is placed. This feeling remained potent for a long time after the original impulse of the Highland regiments had become obscured. A picturesque example of it is cited by Sergeant Robertson in his interesting Diary. Speaking of the Battle of Orthes (February 27, 1814) he says (p. 129): Here the three Highland regiments met for the first time namely the 42nd, 79th and Q2nd ; and such a joyful meeting I have seldom witnessed. As we were almost all from Scotland, and having had a great many friends in all regiments, such a shaking of hands took place. The one hand held the firelock and bayonet, while the other was extended to give the friendly Highland grasp, and the three cheers to go forward. Lord Wellington was so much pleased with the scene that he ordered the three regiments to be encamped beside one another for the night as we had been separated for some years, that we might have the pleasure of spending a few hours together and make inquiry about our friends and to ascertain who survived and who had fallen. But even within a Highland regiment there were differences between different septs to be reckoned with, so that we find groups of men of one surname declining to march to a rendezvous with groups of men of a different name, with whom there may have been long outstanding controversies. And when they reached such a rendezvous there were cases even so late as 1793, as the Northern Fencibles had to reckon with when a Highland officer demanded that the men he had raised should be confined to his company, the military exigencies of distributing men over the whole regiment being quite incredible to him. Another great difficulty in getting men arose out of the jealousies of the leaders who set out about raising regiments. The War Office did not raise them, in the beginning at least, directly. It assigned the task to individual magnates, under licence, and simply took over the regiment when completed. How the regiment was actually gathered together was a matter of small concern to the War Office. The consequence was that rival recruiters vied with each other in offering inducements, so that bounties increased with the necessity for troops until the price rose in some cases to as high as 50 and 60 a head. One recruiter would invade the territorial domain of another and annex men by hook or by crook, local jealousies being fanned to a XXX. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. sort of civil war waged, ironically enough, because of the common enemy of the State. Aberdeenshire affords two striking cases in' point the conflict in 1778 between the Northern Fencibles, raised by the Duke of Gordon, and the 8ist Regiment, raised by his kinsman, the Hon. William Gordon. Again in 1 794 the Duke was seriously hampered in raising the Gordon Highlanders by the efforts put forth by Leith- Hay to raise the lOQth, the houses of Gordon and of Leith rallying round their respective leaders, while the Corporation of Aberdeen inclined to favour Leith-Hay. Both the 8ist and the logth soon dis- appeared, but that was because the influence of their organisers was not sufficiently strong with the authorities, as the Duke's was, to keep them going. The story of these conflicts, represented of course entirely by private documents and not in the War Office archives, makes extra- ordinary reading. It need hardly be said that human nature took full advantage of such a situation, until recruiters were faced by all sorts of compulsions from their quarry. For instance, small farmers would agree to give a son in return for an enlargement of their holding, or a greater security of tenure or some similar quid pro quo ; while the laird also would exercise pressure by threatening tenants guilty of small offences, such as annexing wood or game, or doing something that was more or less punishable. It is necessary to underline these facts because Stewart of Garth, who has been copied by nearly every writer on the subject, gives a point blank denial. Ever on the defensive so far as the Highlanders were concerned, he lays it down (Sketches of the Highlanders, ii., 308) : It has been alleged that these services [of tenants in the field at the call of the lairds] were not unbought, as the sons of tacksmen and tenants were sent by their parents to fill up the ranks of Highland regiments on a direct or implied stipulation of abatement of rent, or on some pecuniary or other advantage to be received, for the service of the youths who came forward to take up arms at the call of their chiefs and lords. Circumstances do not confirm this view of the subject. In reply to which you have only to read the letters sent to the Duke of Gordon by tenants in purely Highland districts ; letters which I have little doubt could be matched by others in the charter chests of the great landlords, for there is no reason to believe that the Duke's tenants were more worldly wise than those of other landlords. A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. XXXI. If it was difficult to raise men, it was nearly as difficult to retain them, even when they passed into the keeping of the State. For a long time, indeed, the Highlanders were unable to differentiate the two factors the individual subject who induced them to join and the nation as a whole for which their services were required. The State spoke through the voice of the individual, and the individual was expected to keep to the terms which he proposed, and which tended to vary with national exigencies. Here we see an inevitable clash between national temperaments, between the Scot's logical- ness and the inherent opportunism of the dominant partner, just as strong to-day as it was then, when the force of events made it almost necessary. Thus, if a regiment was raised on the Fencible plan to serve in Scotland and an attempt was made to march it across the Border or transport it to Ireland, the rank and file simply declined, greatly to the amazement of a man like Colonel Woodford, commanding the Northern Fencibles of 1793, who had been trained in the obedient school of the Grenadier Guards. In the case of regiments of the line, attempts made to draft men from one corps to another were equally repudiated, while the efforts to get the Highland corps to sail abroad led to open mutiny. The classic case is that of the Black Watch in 1743, which has been set forth so sympathetically by Mr. Duff MacWilliam. The War Office, applying the legal standard, shot three of the resisters and drafted a great many of them " victims of deception and tyranny," to whom Mr. MacWilliam proudly dedicates his book. " The indelible impression " which this made on the minds of " the whole population of the Highlands, laid," as Stewart of Garth is bound to admit, "the foundation of that distrust in their superiors which was afterwards so much increased by various circumstances." A full corroboration of Stewart's statement occurs in the remarkable letter written by the minister of Aberarder in 1778, to which too much attention cannot be paid : The people have been successfully deceived since the middle of the last war by all the recruiting officers and their friends. It has constantly been, since that period, the common cant that the recruits were only enlisted for three years or a continuance of the war ; yet, they saw or heard of those poor men being draughted into other regi- ments after their own had been reduced, and thus bound for life, instead of the time that they were made to believe. . . . The people will XXXll. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. not be convinced, not even by giving them written obligations. . . . They have been so often cheated that they scarce know when to trust. So disastrous indeed was the effect of penalising the Black Watch, that when the Atholl Highlanders, commanded by the Laird of Farskane, took up the same attitude exactly forty years later, Parlia- ment and the authorities declined to punish a single man. Intensely pro-Highland and patriotic, and imbued with the theirs-not-to-reason- why of the old soldier, Stewart is compelled to devote a whole chapter to eight of these mutinies " very distressing events " he calls them extending from 1743 to 1804; and his whole tone is that of sympathetic apology for the "peculiar disposition and habits of the Highlanders." One of these " peculiarities " was a fierce resentment against the infliction of the brutal punishments then meted out to soldiers. Stewart insists again and again that Highlanders had to receive preferential treatment, not so much because their " crimes " were less serious, but because their temperament made such expiation highly prejudicial to the State's chance of gaining the services of their countrymen. He maintains for instance (ii., 313): The corporal punishments which are indispensable in restraining the unprincipled and shamelessly depraved, who sometimes stand in the ranks of the British Army, would have struck a Highland soldier of the old school with a horror that would have rendered him despicable in his own eyes and a disgrace to his family and name. The want of a due regard to, and discrimination of, men's dispositions has often led to very serious consequences. The more minute investigations of modern historians completely cor- roberate Stewart's attitude. It is extremely important to note that even after the territorial organiser of a regiment had placed his corps on the " Establishment," his influence with the men remained and was made use of. Thus, when Colonel Woodford failed to make anything of the Northern Fencibles, he had to send post-haste to Gordon Castle for his brother-in-law, the Duke of Gordon, to go south and pacify the men ; and similarly when the Strathspey Fencibles became restive at Dumfries in 1795, Sir James Grant, who had raised the regiment, was sent for, " but unfortunately he arrived too late." A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. XXxiii. A City of Aberdeen Regiment Declined. So far, I have been dealing with regiments raised under the personal influence of the great landed magnates ; for little was done to encourage corporate bodies. A striking case of this refusal was experienced by the City of Aberdeen, which got thoroughly alarmed like the rest of the country after the disastrous surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga in October, 1777. Early in December the town of Manchester volunteered to raise a battalion of eleven hundred men at its own expense. Liver- pool shortly afterwards followed this example, and was immediately imitated by Glasgow, Edinburgh and Aberdeen, and the offers of all except Aberdeen were accepted. The Aberdeen offer* was forwarded to Lord Suffolk, the Secretary of State for the North, by Provost Jopp on January 10, 1778, as follows (Aberdeen Town Council Archives): My Lord, The City of Aberdeen, having on many occasions given the strongest assurances of their zeal and attachment towards His Majesty's person and government ; and having beheld with indigna- tion the rise and progress of a rebellion and revolt in the British Colonies in America, which seems to be grown to an alarming height : Have resolved at this critical juncture most humbly to offer to His Majesty every assistance in their power for the better enabling Govern- ment to prosecute with vigour the American War and for reducing the rebellious Colonies to their former state of allegiance and subordination. And I have the honour to inform your Lordship that they have opened and are now carrying on successfully and with all possible dispatch a subscription for the purpose of raising a body of men for His Majesty's Service. I have taken the liberty to inclose for your Lordship's perusal a Memorial on this subject, and have to request that your Lordship will be pleased to lay the same before His Majesty for his gracious accept- ance. If this Memorial should contain anything improper, it must be imputed to my having had no opportunity of knowing what conditions Government has been pleased to allow other Corporations in like cases. I must beg leave to remark to your Lordship that the circumstances * Fortescue's British Army, iii., 245. Mr. Sinclair (Aberdeen Volunteers, p. 23), seems to consider that the offer referred to a Volunteer Force, apparently because it was proposed to call it the " Aberdeen Volunteers " ; but as Captain Sebag-Montefiore points out (History of the Volunteers, p. 101), the term Volunteer was applied only to the method of its formation. The Aberdeen regiment was to have been "from the date of incorporation on a footing of equality with the regular forces of the Crown," like the regiments of Manchester, Liverpool, Edinburgh, and Glasgow, which were numbered respectively the /2nd, 79th, Both, and 83rd. The proposals of Aberdeen made on April 30, and August 26, 1778 (infra, p. lv.\ were for local defence only. e xxxiv. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. of a new corps [the 8ist Regiment] of one thousand men to be raised by Colonel [the Hon. William] Gordon, whose officers are mostly named from this corner and county, may render the immediate procuring of recruits more difficult, and may require that the period for completing any corps we may be able to raise be not limited, or at least not to a very short space. At the same time, assuring your Lordship that every effort will be made for carrying this design into execution with all possible dispatch ; we hope that your Lordship will be pleased to signify to us His Majesty's pleasure as soon as may be. The City's proposals were embodied in the following memorial : 1. That a body of men shall be enlisted at the expense of this City to be put upon the Establishment as a separate Corps, provided they shall amount to 500 or upwards, and, if under that number, to be embodied in Independent Companies. 2. That the community be allowed to recommend officers who are to be approved by His Majesty, vizt. ; If 500, a Lieutenant- Colonel Commandant, Major, Captains and Subalterns for the different Companys ; it being understood that no Officers above the rank of Lieutenants shall be recommended but such as are of approved merit and have served with reputation in the Army, several of whom have already offered their services on this occasion. 3. If 700 or upwards, a Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel, Major, etc. 4. Pay to commence from the time allowed to other Corps now raising. 5. Cloathing, arms, etc., to be furnished by Government. 6. The Order from War Office for inlisting to be addressed to the Provost of Aberdeen with the ordinary power of delegation. N.B. In order to be able to procure men with more facility, might engagement be made that such as desire it may have a discharge at the end of the American War? To this enthusiastic offer, Lord Suffolk returned a polite refusal on January 23, 1778 : Having had the honor of laying before the King your letter of the gth [sic] inst. with the Memorial enclosed in it, I am now to inform you that the fullest sense is entertained of the zeal and attachment of the City of Aberdeen towards His Majesty's person and government as well as of the constitutional principles which induce the Corporation to the proposal of enlisting a body of men at their own expense to be put upon the Establishment as a separate Corps. As, however, it is not at present intended to accept any new levies beyond what are already under the consideration of Parliament, I am on this account to decline the offer : at the same time that I once more A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. XXXV. assure you on the justice done to the loyal and constitutional motives from which it originates. The Fencible Movement of 1778 and 1793. To anyone who considers the magnitude of our operations at this time and the complications arising out of France's alliance with America (February), with the declaration of war on us (July 10, 1778), the refusal of the Government to accept the help of Aberdeen may seem extraordinary. As a matter of fact, it was thoroughly typical of the hugger-mugger, hand-to-mouth management of our military pre- parations throughout the whole period. It is true that the new levies to which Suffolk referred included twelve regiments of the line the 72nd to the 83rd inclusive of which nine were Scots, but it is also true that for some time before this date the difficulty of getting men had been growing so acute that a compulsive measure, known as the Comprehending Act (18 Geo. III. cap. 53), had to be passed; and a less exigent type of troops, the Fencibles, was raised, in the absence of Militia, which Government declined to allot to Scotland till 1797, though England had had its Militia Act in 1757. One of these Fencible regiments was raised in 1778 by the 4th Duke of Gordon, who found out that nineteen years of Regular soldiering had more or less satisfied his vast tenantry. The conditions of service in the Fencibles were voluntary enlistment (for a Government bounty of three guineas per man). The service was confined to Scotland, except in the case of the invasion of England. The men were not to be drafted; and the officers were to be chosen by the raiser of the regiment. Perhaps it was the belief in the discrimination of the individual magnate to choose good officers, as compared with the conflicting views of a corporation, that made Government favour the recruiting proposals of the former ; in any case, the State's refusal was not a happy way to treat municipal enthusiasm, and may account for much of the antagonism that has not infrequently existed between the War Office and Town Councils. In 1782 a bill was introduced into Parliament " for the better order- ing the Fencible Men in that part of Great Britain called Scotland." It provided for 12,500 privates being "annually formed into corps, companies, and battalions to learn the use of arms, and to qualify themselves in case of actual invasion, or rebellion existing within Great XXXVI. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Britain, to march out, and act within Scotland, against any rebels and invading enemies." The quotas of the northern counties were : Aberdeen - 1,148 Banff 380 Elgin 303 Nairn 56 Inverness - - 587 Caithness 219 Ross 423 Cromarty 50 Sutherland 208 Kincardine 227 Total - - - 3,601 This spurt in regiments lasted only five years, for with the Peace of Versailles, 1783, many regiments were disbanded, including the 77th, the 8ist, and the Northern Fencibles, and then the old laxness set in until the next crisis ten years later. The situation has been admirably summed up by Mr. Fortescue (County Lieutenancies, p. 3) : From 1784 until 1792 Pitt allowed the military forces of the country to sink to the lowest degree of weakness and inefficiency, and in 1793 he found himself obliged to improvise not merely an army, but, owing to the multiplicity of his enterprises [with Austria and Prussia against France], a very large army. He fell back on the old resources of raising men for rank [which signified the grant of a step of promotion to all officers and of a commission to all civilians who would collect a given number of men], and calling into existence new levies, allowing the system to be carried to such excess that the Army did not recover from the evil for many years. Never did the crimps reap such a harvest as in 1794 and 1795 ; and never was a more cruel wrong done to the Army than when boys fresh from school, in virtue of so many hundred weaklings produced by a crimp, took command of battalions and even of brigades, over the heads of good officers of twenty and thirty years' standing. In 1793, the bounty offered to men enlisting into the line was ten guineas ; within eighteen months the Government was contracting with certain scoundrels for the delivery of men at twenty guineas a head, and long before that the market price of recruits had risen to thirty guineas. The new crisis in national affairs was met by the raising of twenty- two corps of Fencibles,* including the Duke of Gordon's Northern Fencibles and James Leith's Aberdeenshire Fencibles ; and a great many * The cost of the Fencibles and Militia of the United Kingdom was as follows : June- December, 1793 (43 Companies), ^773,378 : 1/94, ,787,693 : 1795 (54 Companies), ,1,109,837 (W.O. 24 : 586 and 592). A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. XXXvii. regiments of Regulars thirty thousand were enlisted between Nov- ember, 1793, and March, 1794 to which the North-East contributed the looth (Gordon Highlanders) and the icxpth. Besides that, a totally new force was created in 1794, namely the Volunteers, which I shall describe more particularly later on. In addition to these, Sir James Grant raised the 97th and the Strathspey Fencibles, which, though rather out of our district, have been included because the Grants were rivals of the Gordons and because both these corps exhibit strong traces of the vicious system to which Mr. Fortescue refers. The method of raising men for rank had hitherto been confined to Independent Com- panies, and had therefore led to no higher rank than that of Captain. But it was now extended to the raising of " a multitude of battalions, which, for the most part were no sooner formed than they were dis- banded and drafted into other corps," thereby showing that the personal principle animating the earlier territorial corps had broken down. Mr. Fortescue describes the vicious situation (British Army, vol. iv., part i., p. 213): The Army-brokers . . . carried on openly a most scandalous traffic. " In a few weeks," to use the indignant language of an officer of the Guards, " they would dance any beardless youth, who would come up to their price, from one newly raised corps to another, and for a greater douceur, by an exchange into an old regiment would procure him a permanent situation in the standing Army/' The evils that flowed from this system were incredible. Officers who had been driven to sell out of the Army by their debts or their misconduct were able after a lucky turn at play to purchase reinstate- ment for themselves with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. Undesirable characters, such as keepers of gambling houses, contrived to buy for their sons the command of regiments ; and mere children [you may remember the story of the baby-Major " greetin' for his parritch "] were exalted in the course of a few weeks to the dignity of field officers. One proud parent, indeed, requested leave of absence for one of these infant Lieutenant-Colonels on the ground that he was not yet fit to be taken from school. The Gordon Highlanders. In this sordid and inept welter, the Gordon Highlanders, first numbered the looth and then the 92nd Regiment, stand forth with flying colours ; and remain with these colours flying to the present day ; whereas their immediately local rivals, Grant's 97th and Leith-Hay's xxxvill. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. logth, vanished a few months after they were raised, as victims of the vicious system by which they were partly officered. Indeed, of all the many regiments raised in our district in the period under discussion the 92nd with the Aberdeen Militia alone have survived, and few British regiments have captured the public imagination like the Gordons. I should like to add one word of explanation about this dis- tinction. It has been said that the fame of the Gordons is due to the indiscriminating praise of " Cockney " war-correspondents, especially at the time of Dargai. It has also been hinted that my own work on the house of Gordon has had an influence in " booming " the regiment. Both suggestions only prove the inadequate historical equipment of critics who make them. The Gordon Highlanders from the very first have been popular, and have always been " boomed."* The best proof of this statement is to be found in the bibliography appended to the present volume. The 75th Regiment, now forming the ist Battalion of the Gordons, came into existence in 1787, seven years before the Q2nd. It has had a splendid fighting career; and yet not one single monograph, not even of pamphlet size, has been written about it. Almost the only attempt to tell its story is that made by Lieutenant- Colonel Greenhill Gardyne in his Life of a Regiment, where he devotes some chapters to the old 75th as the ist Battalion of his main subject. The same holds true of the iconographia of the two corps, for beyond Eschauzier's print of 1833 there is scarcely a picture of the 75th. Why should this be the case? The Gordons are not the oldest Scots regiment ; they do not possess the longest " honours " ; they have not been unduly praised by Aberdeen writers rather, indeed the contrary, for we pride ourselves on our sense of proportion, and it is only of comparatively recent years that the Gordons have been in- timately associated with their present depot. The main reason of their popular fame is that they have always had the touch of personality about them, and have not merely been a unit in an indiscriminating *The Great War of 1914 has afforded a characteristic example of the popularity of the Gordons. Thus, one of the posters utilised by the recruiting authorities, and previously used to advertise the film of "Our Army," showed a (nondescript) Gordon Highlander in the foreground with a Lancer and R.H.A. gunners behind. Further- more, the " National Christmas Card" (price 6d.), entitled " Defenders of the Empire," issued by Raphael Tuck on behalf of the Prince of Wales's National Relief Fund, in November, 1914, showed one Highlander, a Gordon sergeant (drawn in colour by Harry Payne), in the foreground of a group illustrating seventeen types of our Army. A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. XXXIX. military organisation. This personal touch was imparted to them with the raising of the regiment, which was enthusiastically forwarded by the Duke of Gordon and all the members of his family, notably by his brilliant consort, Jane Maxwell, who is said to have kissed the recruits. Whether that is true or not, it has become an integral part of a sort of saga, and is now boldly illustrated in the official recruiting literature of the regiment. The personal touch was continued by the service of the Duke's popular and handsome heir, the Marquis of Huntly, immortalised in Mrs. Grant of Laggan's " Highland Laddie." Again, this personal feeling was greatly aided by the fact that the first recruits were to a large extent Highland, and the officers have been mostly Scots. The Gordons, indeed, are to my mind a splendid example of what the best type of territorialism can do for a regiment to preserve traditions and esprit de corps, and to ensure a continuity and preservation of individuality, which are of first rate value in forming the character of a regiment in the British Army. The Grampian Brigade. Before passing on to the next type of military force which was raised, namely the Militia, reference must be made to an abortive scheme to raise a new combination of Highlanders, which was to be called the Grampian Brigade. Nominally promulgated by the Duke of York, it was forwarded on February 22, 1797, as a circular letter to the Duke of Gordon by his great friend, Dundas, then Home Secretary (Gordon Castle Archives} : I submit to your Grace's view a plan which the Duke of York has put into my hands. I own I was very much struck on the perusal of it. Perhaps at the time the laws were made for restraining the spirit of clanship in the Highlands of Scotland the system might be justifi- able by the recent circumstances which gave rise to that policy. It has for many years been my opinion that those reasons, whatever they were, have ceased, and that much good, instead of mischief, may on various occasions arise from such a connexion among persons of the same Family and Name. If this sentiment should be illustrated by the adoption of any such measure as the accompanying paper suggests, I shall have reason to be still more fortified in that opinion. I have not, however, thought it right to give His Royal Highness any advice on the subject without having some ground to judge how far there was a likelihood of its being carried into existence. The most obvious method xl. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. of doing so is by addressing myself to your Grace and to other persons suggested as the proper cements [sic] of the different classes of Families referred to. If the plan takes place it does not occur to me there can be any reason of distinguishing such a levy as this from other Fencible corps in respect of establishment and pay. The Plan was to raise 16,000 men for internal defence by embodying the Highland Clans to be employed in Great Britain or Ireland in case of actual invasion or civil commotion or the imminent danger of both or either. Each clan was to be formed into distinct corps not exceeding 600, nor less than 200 private men in each. There were to be nine separate brigades, utilising the clans in the following proportions : Brigade. Privates. ist or the Isles Brigade Lord Macdonald, brigadier - - 1,600 2nd or Caithness and Sutherland Brigade Earl Gower, brigadier - 1,500 3rd or Ross Brigade Mackenzie of Seaforth, brigadier - - ,300 4th or Inverness and Moray Brigade Sir James Grant, brigadier ,400 5th or the Grampian Brigade Duke of Gordon, brigadier - - ,900 6th or Argyll Brigade Duke of Argyll, brigadier ... - } ioo 7th or Perth Brigade Duke of Atholl, brigadier - - ,800 8th or Aberdeen and Angus Brigade Ogilvie of Airlie, brigadier - ,200 9th or Stirling and Dumbarton Brigade Duke of Montrose, brigadier ,200 14,000 The 5th or Grampian Brigade, 1,900 strong, with the Duke of Gordon as brigadier, was to be constituted thus : Macdonnells on the mainland, including the families of Glengarry, Morar, Keppoch, and Glencoe 5 Camerons 400 Gordons - - 400 MacPhersons - - 300 Macintoshes - 300 Total - i,9 The Aberdeen Angus Brigade was made up in this way: Ogilvies, etc. Commanded by Ogilvie of Airlie and Lord Findlater - 600 Farquharsons Farquharson of Invercauld - - 300 Forbeses Lord Forbes 300 1,200 A GENERAL SURVEY OF' TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xli. The total of officers and men in the nine brigades and 40 battalions was to be : Captains - 244 Subalterns - ... - 508 Sergeants - - 762 Corporals - ... 762 Drummers or pipers ... . 247 Privates 14,000 Total --- - 16,523 The Plan was accompanied by some explanatory " remarks " dis- closing the theory underlying it : The Plan now proposed for embodying the Highland Clans is formed upon the principles which seem calculated to obtain the un- animous approbation of all ranks of people in the Highlands and to make it a popular measure. The Highlanders have been, and still are, warmly attached to their Chiefs and ancient customs, particularly in regard to the ranking and marshalling of the Clans. The present arrangement completely embraces these views, as each Clan forms a distinct Battalion, com- manded by their natural Chief or Leader, more or less in a number according to the strength of the Clan, whilst the dignity of the great Chiefs and proprietors is equally supported by placing each at the head of a Brigade. Considerable attention is also paid in forming each Brigade of Clans which are naturally attached from local situation or otherwise to one another, as well as to their Brigadier. From the ordinary avocations of the Highlanders in general it is obvious that no equal number of men in any one district in the King- dom can be employed with so little injury to agriculture and manu- factures. At this moment they may be justly considered the only considerable body of men in the whole kingdom who are as yet absolutely strangers to the levelling principles of the present age, and therefore they may be safely trusted indiscriminately with the know- ledge and use of arms. They admire the warlike exploits of their ancestors to a degree of enthusiasm ; and, proud to see the ancient order of things restored, they will turn out with promptitude and alacrity. As all the Clans have a number of men in the present Fencible Regiments, each Chief will be allowed to complete his Serjeants and corporals from among his kinsmen in those corps for the purpose of drilling his battalion expeditiously ; and, moreover, that each regiment may be furnished with some officers of knowledge and experience, the xlii. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Chiefs will be permitted to take a certain proportion of their Officers from the Line., or the half pay list. This will be attended with no difficulty, as there is no Clan which has not a number of gentlemen in the Army; and in order to induce officers of the Line to enter into trje Clan levy, it will be a subject for consideration whether one step of promotion may not be given to them. It will, likewise, be subject for future consideration what the rank of the field officers commanding corps shall be, and what the proportion of staff officers shall be to each corps. When the Duke received the scheme, he immediately transmitted it to the chiefs of whom he was, as it were, the superman, and he did so in a thoroughly tentative spirit, for the time had long gone past when he could ride roughshod over them as his ancestor, the first duke, had done. The replies of the heads of the great Highland families on his estates namely, the Macphersons, the Mackintoshes, the Macdonnells, and the Camerons must have soon convinced him that the scheme would not work. These documents are remarkably interesting. Macdonnell, dating from Glengarry House, March 7, was cautious : Having seen only parts of the Plan, [I] must defer remarks for the present, as I purpose doing myself the honour of waiting on your Grace in about twelve or fourteen days hence at furthest. t Macpherson, dating from Cluny, March 6, was sceptical : Your Grace must be very sensible that this country has already been much drained by different levies so much so that, if the number now proposed were taken out of it, there would be a great danger of a totall stop being made to the operations of husbandry ; and, tho' I have not the smallest doubt: of the loyalty of the inhabitants, I have my fears that they would not readily agree to leave their homes in the manner proposed. But if the Plan of enrolling into volunteer com- panys be thought a good measure, I have no doubt (should there be no interference) that six companies of 50 men each would readily turn out in this country ; by which is meant the Lordship of Badenoch, from Lochaber to Strathspey, these companys to be supplied with light arms, accoutrements, and clothing by Government, to be drilled, separately, two days in the week as near their own homes as possible, being paid for these days, and not to be called from hence on any account except in case of invasion, and that we confine our service to the coast 'twixt Inverness and Aberdeen ; and that such services are not to be expected or demanded but during an invasion or civil commo- tion within that district. These, my lord, are my ideas on the subject, and I take them from A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xliii. my knowledge of the state of the country and the sentiments of the people. But should your Grace think of a better plan, or one more conciliating to the minds of the people, I shall readily and chearfully concur with you, as far as I can, in any way your Grace may think most effectual for thwarting the views of our inveterate enemy against our Gracious Sovereign, our Country and happy constitution. . . . The [Volunteer] Company, tho' drilled separately for the con- veniency of the inhabitants, will march and act in a body, should there be occasion for it Mackintosh, writing on March 16 from London, whither he had taken his wife for the benefit of her health, was also dubious. I feel myself at this distance without any communication with the other Gentlemen, heads of families incapable of giving a decided opinion. Although I have every inclination to give effect to any Plan that may be suggested . . . yet, upon the first idea being suggested, it appears to me that from the great drain the country has already sustained, it will be almost impossible to raise the body of men pro- posed, if they are liable to be sent to England, but especially to Ireland. And, I conceive, I need not remind your Grace how little influence the chieftains retain at this day in comparison of what it was half a century ago. Whatever arrangement it may ultimately be decided to carry into effect for the real internal defence of Scotland, your Grace may rely its having my best wishes, and any personal aid in my power shall not be wanting. A very different tone was adopted by Cameron of Lochiel, who wrote a significantly rude letter from Glasgow, by return of post, March 6 : [I] am clearly of opinion that every exertion in the present time must be used by those who have power and interest in the Highlands ; and, as far as relates to myself, I am ready to come forward not only on account of the situation of my country, but 'the great satisfaction I shall feel at leaving your Grace's regiment [the Northern Fencibles], which I am perfectly dissatisfied [with], and am not the only one ; I am convinced if all the circumstances were known to you, you would not be surprised. In reply to your Grace's question whether the men would go to Ireland, I don't know what they would do, They have already been asked by Lieutenant-Colonel Woodford [the Duke's brother-in-law who commanded the Fencibles] and refused him. Nothing, my Lord Duke, would have induced me to be in this corps but the idea of affording my neighbour, the Duke of Gordon, every assistance in my power, which, I hope, will always be the case. Therefore, should it so happen that xliv. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. I am called on by your Grace to come forward according to the Plan proposed, I shall expect that same friendly assistance from you by which each of us ought at all times to be governed. Whatever the Duke may have thought, his uncle, Lord Adam Gordon, then Commander of the Forces in Scotland, had summed up the Celt in his own mind, for he wrote, August 5, 1795, giving as one of his reasons for opposing the proposal to commute in part the loaf of wheaten flour to oatmeal " the suspicious nature of the Highlanders " and their jealousy. Perhaps it was to this Grampian Brigade proposal that, according to a letter from Lord Fife to his Deputies, November 9, 1803, the Lord Lieutenancy of Banffshire had proposed in March, 1797 (H.O. 50 : 59), to fix alarm signals along the coast to announce the approach of an enemy by erecting flagstaffs at Trouphead, Melrose Head, the Hill of Redhyth, Logiehead and Portknockie Head. The alarm signal for calling out the people in the more inland parts of the county was to be by the ringing of the church bells, " which were directed to be rung at funerals and on other occasions in knells only ; but when used as a signal to be rung in loud peals." But this idea, like the Brigade itself, melted away, for, the alarm " having subsided, the only signal post that was ever erected in consequence of the resolutions was one on Trouphead, put up by Mr. Garden of Troup," who about the same time built a fort at his own expense (H.O. 50 : 94). Although the raising of the Gordons showed that the personal equation was still a factor in territorial soldiering, the reception of the Grampian Brigade scheme proved that the wholesale raising of High- land regiments was played out. Indeed, for that matter, the system of entrusting the organisation of troops to private individuals was coming to an end only two Highland regiments were raised after this date and the task was transferred to the local authorities, equipped with the compulsive machinery of the ballot. It was not merely that the financial resources of individuals were becoming unequal to the strain, but the need for men was increasing at an enormous rate and no one could see the end of it. So the State, which had been so chary of entrusting the task of raising troops to Corporations in Scotland, was at last driven to that expedient. A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xlv. The Militia. So great had the strain become that in February, 1797, the Bank of England was compelled to suspend cash payments. In the same month, a French fleet bore down on Wales, and in May a mutiny broke out in the Navy at the Nore. True, Jervis had defeated the Spaniards at Cape St. Vincent, February 14, and in October, Duncan was to defeat the Dutch at Camperdown ; but the year opened in panic, and part of that panic resulted in the extension on July 19, 1797, of the Militia Act (37 Geo. III. cap. 103) to Scotland. The measure involved the most serious aspect that soldiering had yet presented, with the exception of the Comprehending Act of 1778. It approximated the conditions of Territorial soldiering as we know it to-day in point of the administrative body,; the Lords Lieutenant, entrusted with raising it, though by introducing the ballot which differentiated the Militia from the Fencibles it relied on a new machinery. Mr. Fortescue says that in Scotland the Militia had been unknown until 1 797 ; but this is not quite correct. There had been a sort of a Militia since September 23, 1663 Mr. Andrew Ross traces its tangled history minutely in the Military History of Perthshire (i., 104-124) when a force of 20,000 Foot and 2,000 Horse was raised. In October, 1678, it was reduced to one fourth; but even at that, a " Method of turning the Militia of Scotland into a Standing- Army," was advocated in a pamphlet of 1680 (in the British Museum). The measure of 1797 differed considerably from this early Militia, though, curiously enough, it authorised the raising of a force only a little larger than the 1678 Militia. England had been equipped with a Militia in 1757 by an Act, which provided for passing the entire manhood of the nation through the force by ballot in terms of three years, though it was not strictly enforced and lost much of its value. Attempts to extend the measure to Scotland were made in 1760, 1776, 1782 (when the Marquis of Graham's bill was thrown out), and 1793 ; but they all failed at first because the spectre of Jacobitism had not been exorcised from the English mind, and later on for other reasons. So forty years were allowed to elapse before the system was actually extended to Scotland, under the intense pressure of the country's difficulties in the field. xlvi. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. The Act (consisting of 56 sections) fixed the quota of Militia to be supplied by Scotland at 6,000 men, and its administration was entrusted to the Lords Lieutenant. Mr. Ross summarises its conditions neatly : In every parish a return was made of all men between the ages of 19 and 23 inclusive, and after omitting therefrom all who could plead exemption, viz., those serving in the Volunteers and Yeomanry, all pro- fessors, clergymen, schoolmasters, constables, indentured clerks, ap- prentices, seamen and men with more than two legitimate children, a ballot for the required quota was taken. When a sufficient number of men volunteered no ballot was necessary. Substitutes were allowed. [Mr. Fortescue points out that " these substitutes were precisely the men who, but for the heavy bounty which they could gain from serving comfortably at home, would gladly have enlisted in the Army."] The men were enlisted to serve within Scotland during the war and for one calendar month after the proclamation of peace. The field officers were nominated by the Crown, the other officers by the Lords Lieutenant, and all were to have a certain property qualification [so that the force was practically in the hands of the landed gentry]. These land qualifications, which proved a stumbling block, provided that a Colonel or Lieutenant-Colonel should be possessed or be heir apparent to a person possessed of a landed estate of 400 Scots value rent in Scotland. A Major or Captain had to have a similar qualifica- tion to the extent of 300 a year, and a Lieutenant or Ensign one of 100 a year. It was provided that, if a sufficient muster of persons could not be found to accept commissions as Lieutenants and Ensigns, officers in the Army or those who had held commissions in the Regular, Fencible, or Volunteer forces could be appointed. Peers or their heirs apparent having places of residence in the county might act without being qualified, and the acceptance did not involve vacating a seat in Parliament. From the very first the Act proved unpopular. Mr. Ross thinks this was due to the "blundering fashion in which the measure was placed before the people " ; but, as we shall see, it went deeper down than that. The first consequence was that it became necessary by a second Act to postpone the initiation of the force from August I, 1797, to March I, 1798, and to reduce the quota from 6000 to 5468. But that number was further reduced, for a return of 1797 (no month or day is stated) speaks of His Majesty " having determined to call out at present only 3,000 men." The apportionment from the various counties A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xlvii. was as follows, Dumfries, Clackmannan, and Orkney being omitted as no returns had been received (H.O. 50: 29): . Edinburgh County - US Fife - City 4i Dumbarton - Linlithgow - 37 Bute - Haddington - 72 Argyll - - Berwick - - - - - 76 Inverness - Peebles ----- 26 Perth - Selkirk ----- 13 Forfar - Roxburgh - 78 Kincardine - Kirkcudbright 66 Aberdeen - Wigton - - - - 47 Banff - - Ayr 1 80 Elgin - Renfrew 98 Nairn - Lanark - - - - - 283 Cromarty - Stirling 1 02 Ross - Kinross - - - - - 13 Sutherland - Cromarty - 35 176 42 1 6 136 95 263 185 52 244 65 47 12 I I 81 27 Total 2,734. In the south of Scotland the raising of the force actually led to riot. Dundas, who was then Secretary at War, was greatly disgusted with his countrymen, writing on August 27, 1797 (H.O. 50: 29): When I left Dalkeith, I had no idea the execution of the Militia Law could cause any disturbances in the county [Midlothian]. If I could have foreseen it, I should have remained upon my post. On Sunday the 2Oth [of August], I was informed that some persons had pulled down the list [of ballotable men] from the church door in the parish of Canonby, and that the parish registers were to be burned next day [because they contained the material necessary for the collec- tion of men]. Immediately on Monday, I got together about thirty of the heads of families in the schoolhouse to endeavour, if possible, to prevent any further violence. I was soon informed that about 200 young men had, on the night of Sunday, or early in the morning of Monday, taken by force the books from the schoolmaster's house. The mob have been most outrageous, insulted the Deputy Lieutenants, driven them from the meeting, exacting oaths and promises that they will not proceed further in the business. The attack on dominies is also referred to by the Duke of Roxburghe who, writing on . September 1 , 1 797, says that many individuals were " frightened at the idea of being militiamen," and he adds " The schoolmasters are intimidated, and I am afraid that we shall not procure new lists without making examples of some of them " (H.O. 50: 29). xlviii. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. David Hay, a Deputy Lieutenant for Dumfries, wrote on September i to the Duke of Queensberry " old Q," the " degenerate Douglas " of Wordsworth's sonnet that the opposition to the Act was "general in Scotland, and nowhere more so than in this part of the country " (H.O. 50 : 29) : There is not one of your Grace's Deputies who has not been threatened with Distinction, as Sir William Maxwell [of Springkell ?], Colonel Dirom, and Mr Grahame of Moss Knowe, Deputies, had a meeting the other day in their district, and were most grossly insulted by a enraged mob, and before they were allowed to depart were forced to sign an obligation on Stamped Paper, that they would never interfere in the business again. On the same day, Dundas wrote that the counties of Fife and Lanark had followed the example of those in the south. Lord Adam Gordon, Commanding the Forces in Scotland, took the Regular soldier's point of view, for he wrote from Edinburgh to Dundas on September I, 1797 (H.O. 50: 29): There surely must be, as you say, incendiaries, and of the worst description, behind the curtain and at the bottom of this bad business. Otherways, so much system and sameness could never appear in so many different and distant places at once, or nearly at once. But there can be but one opinion viz., that, at all hazards, and cost what it may, this opposition to the law of the land must be subdued, and full obedience to the civil magistrate enforced ; else there is an end of government. On the previous day he had written to Lieutenant-General Musgrave, Commanding the North-Eastern District (H.O. 50 : 29) : Since I wrote you last by Saturday's post, the situation of things here [Edinburgh] has become so much more critical as to make it absolutely my duty to request that without delay, you would send into Scotland by Berwick, Coldstream, Kelso, and Carlisle a reinforce- ment of 3,000 men of which the more cavalry the better. P.S. English Fencibles would suit us better than Scotch ones at this time. A very different attitude was adopted by George Haldane of Glen- eagles. His letter is peculiarly interesting because, though his name was really Cockburn (of the Ormiston family), his mother, Margaret Haldane, was the great grand-aunt of Lord Haldane, who has grasped A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. xlix. the Territorial principle more completely than any of our War Ministers. Writing to Dundas on September 8, 1797, he said (H.O. 50: 29): The state of the country is at present such that I feel a strong inclination to trouble you with some intelligence with regard to it, which I think you should be acquainted with. The new Militia Act has been among them [the people] for a fortnight past, and endeavours used to get it executed, but without effect, as it has occasioned much commotion and even outrage, from the oposition it has met with from the People 1st, Because not under- stood : (there is a defect in promulgating our lawes which you would do well to bring in a bill to remove) ; 2nd, The People, being grown more opulent and at their ease, now expect to be treated with more attention ; to be in some measure advised with, and not totally neglected, as if only born to pay Taxes ; so far has the Democratical spirit prevailed generally! 3rd, Evil designing people spread amongst them, laid hold of and inflamed their prejudices, perswading them that they were all to be made Soldiers (the very name of which they hate), and sent abroad with other troops ; and that Government would not keep faith with them, tho' they should promise it ; and point out to them instances of the Fencibles and other corps who have been sent out of the country contrary to their engagement at enlisting. If there is any truth in this it should be carefully guarded against, as it does much ill. Another thing which has been laid hold of to irritate them much and has done a deal of mischief was that they had on the first mention of an invasion, they had [repeated thus] in many parts of the country zealously and voluntarily made repeated offers to come forth as Volunteers whenever called upon ; but that their offers to enter such had been slighted or rejected. Besides, they were told that they behoved to serve without any pay on the days of training, and all other occasions, excepting on actual service or on invasion, which they com- plained of as a great hardship, as they also thought it was not to be allowed to serve under such officers of their own country as they chose, a thing they prize much. They also complained much that they could be ordered away from their own homes, perhaps in harvest time, or to the total neglect of their own affairs, to any the most distant part of the country without pay or reward ; and even their sons taken away from them, who are necessary to them for carrying on their farms, and no bounty to be given to them, which the Army always has. They had many other objections ariseing from Ignorance, Stupidity, and Obstinacy, which I will not trouble you with, but which I, as well as others, took much pains to rebuke ; and, at last, by explaining things to them made some impression on them. As I knew their dispositions to be at bottom good and that the bulk of them were loyal and ready g 1. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. to serve their country, and especially against a foreign enemy, I wrote and dispersed among them two printed papers explaining the Act and answering their objections, and also caus'd print another paper sent me by the Duke of Montrose which he had published in Stirlingshire for the same purpose. And I am confident I could, if necessary, carry out with me 200 good men from this parish, and at least as many from the adjoining parishes where my property lies. At the same time, I am not sure that all their objections are re- moved, for in sum of the neighbouring parishes where the strong hand has been too hastily, as too far, tryed it has had bad effects, as has happened to our friend Sir William Murray, who has been very ill-used in his parish of Foulis by carrying there with him a troop of Dragoons to get the lists made up and posted on the church door. This being done on a Sunday and by the military so exasperated the mob that they fell upon him when he had seized one of them, and trampled him down till he was relieved by the soldiers who cut some of them down with their swords, and thus made the thing worse, as there is nothing now heard of thro' the country but breach of the Sabbath day and being cut to pieces by the soldiers ; whereas I am certain that nothing will do with them but gentle and soft measures and soothing, rather than offending, them ; at least it must be first tryed. And I do conjure you to attend to this, least a spirit which might be led should be drove into madness and fury and occasion much mischief, for these wild people have an un- conquerable spirit, and will never be quelled by dragoons. I think it right to presume to give the caution to you, whose opinion is likely to be followed. Remember Pentland and Bothwell Bridge, and keep your Dragoons to yourself. You may have need for them. As one of the Deputy Lieutenants, I thought it proper for me to write to the Lord Lieutenant to the above purpose, and proposed to his grace to bring another method, viz., to try rather the Clause in the Act, p. 27 [section] 29, which allows volunteers to be accepted of, instead of the. quota of militia men to be imposed under the Act. The first with a moderate bounty will be more easily raised than the Act inforced by Dragoons, and will answer the purpose as well or better, and keep all quiet. This will not be giving up the Act, which I was always keen for, but only taking an easier method, and a little more time, during which the Volunteers might be learning the use of arms to make them really use- ful : for which purpose half pay officers and drill sergeants may be sent down, and this would help soon to reconcile the people and intro- duce the Act among them by degrees ; the only way in which it ever will be done by gentle usage and the just confidence they have in the Government. The Duke of Hamilton, adopting the persuasive method, took up another point of view, namely that Scotland had been insulted by not A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. li. being- allowed to have a Militia force of its own. He issued a printed broadside dated September 4, 1797 (preserved at the Record Office H.O. 50: 29), in which he pointed out that the pay, is a day, was better than that of most day labourers and of " many kinds of tradesmen." He proceeds : It is notorious that many persons, who are strongly against every measure of Government whatever, have gone from County to County with the avowed intention of inflaming the minds of the people upon this occasion ; and there is every reason to think that it is owing to the instigation and misrepresentation of such persons that so much clamour has been raised against a measure so natural and so necessary, and which only puts Scotland upon a footing with England, which has long enjoyed the Constitutional Defence arising from a Militia, and thus taken away a distinction which has long been reckoned odious and dishonourable to Scotland. Had Government refused to grant Scotland a Militia and to trust us with arms for our own defence, then, indeed, there might have been cause of discontent. It would surely, therefore, be a stain upon Scotchmen should they refuse to step forward to defend Scotland within Scotland after matters have been cleared up and explained. Let all men consider how happily they live under the protection of the Laws of their Country . . . but let them also consider that if, by tumultuous meetings and acts of violence they break those laws, they thus forfeit their protection and become liable to punishment to the great loss of themselves and their families. Whether there were any similar difficulties in Aberdeenshire, I am unable to say, for no documents at the Record Office bear on the point, but I think it quite likely, all the more as the county had been such a prey to unscrupulous recruiters in the preceding years. The total cost of the Scots Militia for the year 1798 ran up to 175,492, as follows (W.O. 24: 604): i st or Argyllshire ,17,980 2nd or Ross-shire ... I3,7H 3rd or Lanarkshire 17,018 4th or Dumfries-shire ... - 20,542 5th or Fifeshire 18,210 6th or Aberdeenshire - 1 8,635 7th or Ayr and Renfrewshire I 6,75 I 8th or Forfarshire 15,603 9th or Perthshire 16,376 loth or Edinburghshire - Difference of pay to paymasters Hi. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. In spite of the Peace of Amiens the difficulties of the country did not diminish : still more troops were required : so on June 26, 1 802, a new Act (42 Geo. III. cap. 91) was passed increasing the Scots Militia to 7,950 men and the ten original battalions to fifteen, the counties being redistributed as follows, the figures in the right-hand column indicating the number of the new battalion : 1797. 1802. 2nd or Ross, i.e., Ross, Elgin, Nairn, Caithness 3rd or Lanark, i.e., Lanark 4 .h or Dumfries, l , Ross, Elgin, Nairn, "j Cromarty, Sutherland V ithness - J Inverness, etc. Ross, Caithness, Cromarty. Elgin, Nairn, etc. Lanark. Sutherland, TT" i ji_ i_ A. Wigtown - 5th or Fife, i.e., Fife, Stirling - Kinross, Clackmannan 6th or Aberdeen, i.e., Aberdeen, Banff - j f 7 th or Ayr, i.e., Ayr, Renfrew - - j 8th or Forfar, i.e., Forfar, Kincardine 9th or Perth, i.e., Perth - I oth or Edinburgh, i.e., Edinburgh - - Linlithgow, Haddington, Berwick - - 3 15 \ i ^ \ 12 5 II 8 ? fri Selkirk , Roxburgl , lCCQlCS. CtC. Kirkcudbright, Wigtown. Fife. Stirling, Kinross, Clackmannan, etc. j etc. Forfar, Kincardine. Perth. Edinburgh. Berwick, Linlithgow, Hadding- ton, etc. The new measure proved quite as unpopular as its predecessor, and far more so than in England. Summarising the Scots counties in the bulky volumes of correspondence on the subject at the Record Office (" Home Office Papers : Internal Defence "), Mr Fortescue gives a succinct account of the dislike created by the measure (County Lieutenancies, 48) : From almost every county in Scotland, even before the war broke out, came the same tale of difficulty in obtaining not only men but officers, and of perfunctory conduct, or worse, on the part of the Deputy-Lieutenants. In Aberdeen ballotted men invariably paid the fine for exemption, and no gentleman would accept even a captain's commission when offered to him. In Banff, again, only one duly qualified gentleman could be persuaded to become a captain. In Haddington there was the like dearth of officers, and in Peebles the like unwillingness of the men. In Bute there were only five men in the A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. liii. Militia who had not been drawn from other counties, and not one single ballotted man had been enrolled. From Ross came the report that the Highlanders would have nothing to do with the Militia; that the most mountainous district had not produced a man ; that the Militia laws were ill understood by magistrates and Deputy Lieutenants and that, being an innovation, they were detested by the Highlanders as an intolerable grievance. In Stirling the Lieutenancy had done its work so ill that in several cases the same man had been enrolled and had received bounty from several sub-divisions. In Selkirk the Lord Lieutenant despaired of providing his quota of twelve men for the Supplementary Militia, though he could count upon payment of the fines. Forfar could show but one principal to every six substitutes, and to every five men that paid the fine for exemption. From Kirkcudbright the Lord Lieutenant reported that almost the whole of the Militia would be substitutes and that the insurance societies [which insured men for the price of the exemption fine] had been largely patronised in the towns. In Perth it was a case of few enrolments and many fines. In fact, the service was not only unpopular but suspected ; for it was bound up with an oath and a red coat, and it was hard to make the cautious Scot believe that this combination did not signify compulsory military service for life. The difficulty experienced in handling the Militia at its start was experienced throughout the whole course of its earlier career. Its administration, indeed, was one long muddle. A few points may be noted. In 1807, when an Act was passed to permit enlistment into the Line, Scotland sent only 3,890 out of the 4,160 men qualified to enlist, the deficiency from Aberdeen being 12. In 1810 "the general hatred of the Militia in Scotland," to use Mr. Fortescue's phrase, came out when the Government permitted the deficiency caused by enlistment into the Line to be filled for a period by Volunteering. In 1811 the price of substitutes had risen in Forfar to from 50 to 80. In 1813 many substitutes put forward a claim Mr. Fortescue says it was engineered by "some pettifogging lawyers in various parts of Scotland" to be discharged on the completion of ten years' service, five for themselves and five for their principals, although the wording of the Act was adverse to any such claim. On January i, 1813, a petition on these lines, signed (most illiterately) by 607 men of the Aberdeenshire Militia stationed at Glasgow, was sent to " Prince George of Wales," an appeal to the Lord Lieutenant having failed (H.O. 50: 292); while 182 men of the Inverness-shire Militia, stationed at Hillsea, sent a similar petition. But the "men were easily persuaded of their folly," and the agitation liv. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. was stamped out. In view, then, of all those difficulties in its early history, and of the neglect into which the force was allowed to fall between Waterloo and the Crimea, it is remarkable that the Militia should be the only corps, besides the Gordon Highlanders, that has survived out of all the numerous regiments raised in the north-east of Scotland during the period under review. The Volunteers. Great as was the help arising from the organisation of a Militia force in Scotland, the supply of men did not equal the demand, and so the Government, in April, 1798, had recourse by Act of Parliament (38 Geo. III. cap. 27) to another type of troops of a less military character the Volunteers. This force, as its name implies, was not raised under compulsory measures, which made the Militia as much disliked as the Regular Army, and therefore it was popular. But this very popularity was constantly militating against the existing forces, and in consequence Government had to go on tinkering with other types of troops to keep the Volunteers in check, until you get a mosaic of muddle in which it is very difficult to trace the pattern. I cannot do more here than indicate some of the main currents in the history of the Volunteers. In the first place, it was not really a new force in 1798. What the Act of that year did was to put the Volunteers and the Armed Asso- ciation so closely connected with them more in touch with the existing military machine, creaking as it was ; to make them more available for the State, the Act describing itself " as applying in the most expeditious manner and with the greatest effect the voluntary services of the King's loyal subjects for the defence of the Kingdom." It is necessary to go back a little and see what were the voluntary services available. This is not easy to do, for the beginnings of the Volunteers are exceedingly obscure, so that Mr. Fortescue washes his hands of any attempt to describe the force between 1794 and 1801 : the documents " are so scanty and imperfect that it is impossible to speak of them except in general terms." Suffice to say that the Volunteers started in a characteristically makeshift manner, coming into existence from the common man's desire to defend himself rather than from the resolution of the State to defend him. There had been " Armed Asso- ciations " in England as early as 1745; Dut the Volunteers proper had A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Iv. been born out of our disaster at Saratoga twenty years before the Act of 1798, and got their greatest fillip in Ireland which, as we have seen with our own eyes, has a genius for raising Volunteers. Aberdeen, as we know, had also been moved by the Saratoga tragedy, and had been baulked by the Government in an offer of a regiment of the Line. A few weeks later (April 30, 1778), the Town Council resolved to arm suitable citizens with the weapons that had been forwarded by the Government for the defence of the town in 1759. The organisation so created was called the "Aberdeen Associates," but the Government vetoed the movement and demanded that the arms should be given up, and so the Associates declined (August 26) to " embark again on an undertaking on which so harsh a negative was formerly put." The Government took up exactly the same attitude in regard to Ireland's desire to arm, and when the Mayor of Belfast applied for troops to defend the town he was told that only half of a troop of dismounted horsemen and half a company of Invalids could be spared. But the Town Council of Belfast lacked that sense of obedience to authority which had made the Town Council of Bon-Accord acquiesce in the return of the Associates' arms. " The people at once flew to arms, sudden enthusiasm, such as occurs two or three times in the history of a nation, seems to have passed through all classes " how history repeats itself in Ireland and " all along the coast Associations for self-defence were formed under the direction of the leading gentry." It is not part of my business to trace the history of the Irish Volunteers of this period. I mention the movement simply to show that volunteering was no new idea and that it disproves the claim made by the Hon. Archibald Fraser,* the youngest son of the notorious Lord Lovat, that the " Cale- * Fraser, elected M.P. for Inverness-shire, March 28, 1782, seconded on June 17, following, the Marquis of Graham's motion for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the Disarming Act of 1746 (so far as its veto of the kilt was concerned), and his bill received the royal assent on July i. On June 10, the House of Commons rejected Lord Graham's bill to establish a Militia in Scotland. On September 5 a meeting was held in Edinburgh to consider a plan for raising a Volunteer Corps, the Caledonian Band, of ten companies, to serve without pay until called out on actual service, and to be clothed in the Highland dress, with Graham as Colonel, Lord Buchan as Lieutenant-Colonel, and Fraser as one of the Captains ; and it was hoped that this example would be followed by the principal counties and towns in Scotland, so as to supersede the necessity of raising a Militia. But the proposal does not seem to have met the views of Lord Shelburne, and appears to have been dropped (Scots Magazine, September, 1782 : Edinburgh Evening Cottmnt, September 7, 1782, and notes from Mr. Andrew Ross, Ross Herald). Ivi. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. donian Band at Edinburgh," of 1782, were the "first Volunteers in the Empire " (H.O. 50 : 209). The next attempt to organise a Volunteer force took place in 1794, when, in addition to war abroad, there was trouble at home in the spread of republican doctrines from France. The dilemma induced several bodies of citizens to come forward with offers of service to the Government, the first to be enrolled being the Five Associated Com- panies of St. George's, Hanover Square, London, in the Spring of 1794. Government, ever slow to move, took time, and in April an Act (34 Geo. III. cap. 31) was passed, limited to the duration of the war, authorising the raising of Volunteer corps. The new force had two drawbacks from the tactical point of view. It was not only a unit, independent of and, owing to its recruiting con- ditions, antagonistic to the existing military forces of Regulars, Militia, and Fencibles, but it was a series of units, inside and independent of its own main unit, for the individual corps were run by local " Associations " and financed by private subscription. The antagonism to the existing military forces arose, as I have said, from the fact of the exemption from service in the Militia of men producing a certificate that they had attended exercise punctually during six weeks previous to the hearing of appeals against the Militia list. Each parish had now the choice of raising its quota of defence by means of the Militia ballot, or by the formation of distinct companies of Volunteers, and the latter system very naturally won the day, as being much less exigent. This disassociation of the Volunteers from the Militia is for Mr. Fortescue " a great and disastrous blunder which has never (he was writing in 1906) been thoroughly repaired." The Volunteers were also units within this unit, for while the Act reserved to the King the manner in which Volunteers should in any case be employed in the event of being called out on active service, it made no attempt to limit or define the conditions of service under which a particular corps should be formed. No corps was subject to military discipline, nor was it entitled to pay unless and until called into actual service. Mr. Fortescue points out that " the corps made their own con- ditions of service, were supported by private subscriptions, and were directed by committees of subscribers, who were not necessarily holders of commissions. These committees addressed the Secretary of State A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Ivii. directly, and it was an open question whether they or the officers were the true commanders of the corps." Small wonder that he is chary of attempting a history of the 1794 movement. An attempt to codify the regulations relating to the movement and to co-ordinate its efforts was made in June, 1794, by Archibald Eraser of Lovat, who circularised the magistrates of Scotland about " A Permanent Loyal and Constitutional Defence." He pro- pounded the following propositions : (i). Such Force should consist of two kinds : one Moveable at his Majesty's orders to any spot within Great Britain and to consist of a Volunteer Enrolment with levy money as a votive offering, according to the size, situation and state of each Shire, with great attention on the part of the Shire to the character of the individuals enrolled. (2). The other Defensive Force to be Local, and confined to each Shire or its near neighbourhood, at the call of the Lord Lieutenant and his Deputies, for the purposes of procuring and maintaining good order and obedience to the Laws ; the individuals to be enrolled from a selection of Freeholders and Feuars of Land and their relations and relatives resident upon the lands of others, who, having acquired fortunes by their industry and abilities, although they have not land, have property to lose ; and lastly, thriving Tenants, specially recommended, in writing, to the Shire, by Freeholders and Feuars of Land, or acting for such, as representing them in their absence. (3). This Local Defence to be enrolled without levy money, and, when required, to act on horseback, to find their own horse, having all cattle to carry them to kirk and market. (4). To be subject to a scrutiny of character and test oaths, and, when called together, to be subject to Military Laws, and, of course, intitled to these liberal encouragements already secured by Act of Parliament, I7th April, 1794, Chap. 24. (5). Local enrolment within Boroughs for the like laudable purposes to consist of substantial Burghers and inhabitants known to the Magistrates and by them recommended in writing. (6). That if an Uniform, for the sake of good appearance and ceconomy, is adopted, it should be of the plainest kind, such as plain blue with a red cape and cuff ; and each Shire or Stewartry to be distinguished only by the name of the Shire on their buttons. (7). That the Discipline and weapons of Defence be adapted to the natural and local situation of each Shire, with due attention to the maritime interests, where there is sea coast, islands, creeks or harbours. h Iviii. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. (8). The mode of Assembly may be, in hilly counties, by Smoke by day and Fire by night from eminent places ; and in thick weather by the Bugle Horn or by written orders only of the Lord Lieutenant and his Deputies. (9). This mode of Internal Local Defence interferes not with recruiting or military service, but may greatly aid it, as it embraces all persons of property, having fixed residences and good characters, and includes Land Proprietors, Commissioners of Supply, Justices of the Peace, and Half-pay Officers. Eraser's proposal came to nothing; and Scotland simply followed the helter skelter arrangements of England, " Volunteer Associations " organising corps by private subscription. Aberdeen came forward in 1794 with one Battery Company and one Infantry Battalion ; Peterhead followed with a corps in 1795, and Fraserburgh in 1797. But in the absence of War Office data it is impossible to present anything like a complete account of the force in Aberdeen. A statement in the Aberdeen Journal of April u, 1797, gives a glimpse of the activity of the district : The farmers on the Earl of Aberdeen's estates in the County of Aberdeen have come forward with great alacrity and made a voluntary offer of their services in the event of invasion, expressive of their regard and attachment to the King and Constitution, and their resolution to exert their utmost efforts for the defence of the country. Fifteen hundred and seventy-two of them have already enrolled and agreed to serve without pay under his Lordship or the Deputy Lieutenants of the district where they reside, and in the meantime to be trained in the use of arms. They have also engaged to furnish their horses, carts, and servants for conveying, without expense to Government, troops and military stores through the county. In his Lordship's estates 1,200 carts and 2,400 horses can be procured for this purpose ; and the white fishers and seafaring people in the sea towns of Auchmedden, Cairnbulg, and Boddam belonging to the Earl, amounting to 93, have also enrolled and offered their services either by sea or land as may be judged most effectual for the defence of the Country. But more than enthusiasm was necessary. The increasing stringency of the situation abroad and the unrest in Ireland compelled a greater co-ordination of effort, or, as Dundas put it, " a general direction to the zeal of the country." This was attempted, as I have noted, by the passing (in April, 1798) of an Act (38 Geo. III. cap. 27) " for applying in the most expeditious manner and with the greatest A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Hx. effect the voluntary services of the King's loyal subjects for the defence of the Kingdom." It is very difficult to summarise the history of the conversion* ; for we not only have very few documents to go upon, but those that exist show that the Government had not made up its mind what it wanted, and consequently chopped and changed. It may, however, be broadly claimed that the Act of 1798 made an effort to unify the various Volunteer companies and Armed Associations and to arrange them on a more tactical basis, the parish and county giving place to the idea of a " military district." In certain respects the Volunteers and the Armed Associations were antagonistic in conception, and the Government instituted a difference between them in consequence, by granting pay and exemption from the Militia ballot only to the Volunteers. On the other hand, it cut down the pay and the clothing allowance of the Volunteers who were formed after the passing of the Act. Ultimately the majority of the local corps conformed to the con- ditions prescribed by the War Office, and a force of from 1,400 to 1,450 companies of Volunteers was formed in Great Britain, with about 75 in Ireland, with 78 district corps formed by Voluntary Associations for Defence, but Mr. Fortescue, who finds it difficult to speak with certainty (History of the Army, iv., 894), thinks it "extremely doubt- ful whether all the Volunteers could have put above 60,000 into the field." The 1798 force was dissolved with the thanks of Parliament (April 6) on the conclusion of the Peace of Amiens (March 25, 1802); yet so undecided was Government and so distrustful of the continuance of the Peace, that we find Lord Hobart writing (April 26) to Lord Pembroke about the advisability of encouraging the continuance of the Volunteers. On May 4, the Secretary at War, sought leave to bring in a bill " to enable his Majesty to accept of the offers of service " of the Volunteers thereby creating a precedent for maintaining a Volunteer force in time of peace; while on June 22, 1802, an Act (42 Geo. III. cap. 66) was passed to this end. The measure, which granted exemption from the hated Militia ballot, proved an immediate success, the Aberdeenshire companies rising from 33 to 53. On March 31, * The most succinct account of the Volunteers under the Act of 1798 is given in Captain Sebag-Montefiore's History of the Volunteer Forces, pp. 187-225. See also Lady Tullibardine's Military History of Perthshire, i. 194-200. Ix. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. 1803, the Government invited offers from additional Volunteers* and outlined the plan on which it intended to act, adding that " it must be considered with reference to a permanent system rather than to a situation of emergency " ; previously the force had been raised to last the length of the war. These additional men brought up the force by December, 1 803, to 450,000 " unregulated, undisciplined, un- organised, but irrepressible " : with the result that the price of substitutes for the Militia rose to as high as 100. Two Aberdeenshire cases illustrating the point may be cited. On July 22, 1803, the Duke of Gordon wrote to the Secretary of State (H.O. 50: 57): The whole Militia Force, including the Supplementary Militia number appointed to this county have been duly ballotted for, although the effective strength of the regiment is yet by no means complete, from the circumstance of a very great proportion of the persons drawn having paid the penalties incurred by the Act. The most strenuous exertions will, however, be used to procure men from the amount of these penalties. Again on February 8, 1808, Andrew Affleck, of the Loyal Aberdeen Volunteers, wrote to Colonel Finlason that two drummers, Alexander Morice and George Pine, had asked for their discharge so that they might enter as Substitutes into the Militia, for which they were to receive 40. They were willing to pay 20 each for their discharge. In the face of all this sort of thing, many expedients were invented, one of these being the creation of an " Army of Reserve." It proposed (43 Geo. III. cap. 83) to raise men under the Militia Ballot, applying that measure to catch those who had not joined the Volunteers before the passing of the Act (July 6, 1803). The force so raised differed from the Militia in that the men were drafted into second battalions of the Regulars.f In 1804, the measure was drastically transformed into the Permanent Additional Force Act, which apportioned 10,666 men to * The compelling power of the period was fear of Napoleon. The following memorial of sixty-one youths who joined the Inverness Volunteers, August 10, 1803, is typical (H.O. 50:59) : "We the subscribers hereto aroused, with the consideration of our country's danger in the present perilous crisis, when our dear native land is threatened with the chains of a Corsican tyrant, aided by a blinded and enslaved people, a people over-awed by a mercenary, unprincipled, and predatory army. . . . " f The best attempt to disentangle the constantly changing measures dealing with the Volunteers of 1803 is made by Mr. Fortescue in his County Lieutenancies and the Army, pp. 59-125. See also Captain Sebag-Montefiore's Volunteers, pp. 228-300. A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Ixi. be raised in Scotland. It dispensed with the ballot : gave a bounty of 12 I2s. to each Reservist and 10 ios. more on his joining the Regulars, which made it much more advantageous for him to do so through the Reserve than directly, as the Regular recruit got only 16 1 6s. It shifted the expense of bounty from the parochial funds to the Imperial Treasury, and turned parish officers into recruiters, the parishes having to pay 20 for every man deficient after a certain date. Both measures failed. The parish officers, making up their minds that the Government wanted only the fines, christened the second measure " The Twenty Pound Act." The Lords Lieutenant hated the Army of Reserve, because it created friction with the military authorities. The attitude of the North was exactly the same as it was all over the country. Thus, the Lord Lieutenant of Aberdeenshire wrote to the Secretary of State, September 16, 1805 (H.O. 50: 125): Notwithstanding the exertions made by the heritors and their agents in compliance with the Order in Council, no men have been procured in any of the parishes for making up the numbers they were required to furnish. Banffshire was even bolder, for Lord Fife, circularising his Deputies, October 17, 1805, showed clearly why no men could be got (H.O. 50: 125):- i st The smallness of the Bounty ; it being hardly to be expected that men who recently before the passing of the Additional Force Act had been offered 4.0 and 45 and even more as substitutes in the [Army of] Reserve, would (at any rate for some time) accept of a Bounty of twelve guineas. 2nd Because even this Bounty of twelve guineas is not payable at once at the time of enlistment, but at different periods and partly in necessaries which recruits are not fond of. 3rd, and principally The impossibility of getting parish officers and other fit persons to embark in this business, or to undertake recruiting on any terms. 4th The want of recruiting officers and parties in the county to assist in procuring men, and the want of a receiving officer to pass and take charge of the men when procured. 5th The restriction contained in the 22nd section of the Act, which only allows men to be raised within certain confined limits. I am in hopes, from the representations which have partly been made by other Counties as well as by this, that measures will be adopted by Government for removing, or at any rate in part obviating, the Ixii. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. obstacles which have hitherto retarded the levy. But, whether this shall be the case or not, it becomes an object of the very utmost importance as well on account of the public service, as to avoid the penalties which must continue to be periodically assessed [20 for every man deficient] that every possible exertion should be used to procure men. In the letter written to the Subdivision Clerks to be laid before you, the necessity of this has been strongly pointed out, and I take the liberty of again earnestly and particularly pressing it on your attention. Independent of the anxiety, which I am satisfied we all feel, to give effect to every measure of Government in the present arduous struggle, it is the obvious interest of every individual to use his best endeavours to promote the object in view to the utmost of his power, because one half of the assessment of penalties affects all tenants of lands and occupiers of houses, and will continue to do so, while any deficiency exists either in the Militia Quota, or in that of the Additional Force for the County of Banff. I therefore persuade myself that you will meet with the zealous co-operation of all ranks of the community in a matter in which all are so fraternally concerned. Fife's earnest desires were of no avail, for he wrote to Lord Hawkesbury, the Home Secretary, November 22, 1805 (H.O. 50, 125): " Great exertions have been made [for the Permanent Additional Force] by the Lieutenancy and other Gentlemen of the County ; but I am sorry to say that they have been able to procure no men. . . . The penalties are a very heavy burden on the County." So the Reserve Army vanished into thin air six months later. While the scramble for men was going on, the Navy appeared on the scene as a rival recruiter, and gave the local authorities much trouble. Thus on August 23, 1803, the naval lieutenant in charge of raising sailors wrote from Fraserburgh to the Provost of Banff (Banff Town Council Archives} : It is with regret I learn that some of the fishermen have expressed themselves as determined not to appear before me for the purpose of being enrolled and furnishing one man out of six for the Navy, especially at a place call'd Buckey. If you will have the kindness, send to the Chief Magistrate or principal person in that town and inform him that he may acquaint the fishermen that, unless they come before me in a peaceable, orderly manner and be registered as all the other fishermen have been, I will order a cutter to cruise off Buckey and send three Press Gangs into that Town, and to remain there until every fisherman in it is impressed. I will also offer a reward of twenty A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Ixiii. shillings to any of His Majesty's troops who may apprehend any of them in the country. I would fain hope they will not bring upon themselves and their families so severe a chastisement. The Local Militia. The last important change in our efforts at soldier-raising was the introduction of the system of Local Militia (48 Geo. III. cap. 150, June 30, 1808), designed to replace the Volunteers. The men were selected by ballot ; and no substitution or bounty to ballotted men was to be allowed, a move which is described by Mr. Fortescue as " perhaps the most notable point of the whole of our administrative military history." Corps of Volunteer Infantry might transfer themselves bodily to the Local Militia. Mr. Fortescue says that, " speaking generally," the Volunteer corps seem to have been backward in transferring, but Aber- deenshire and Banff shire showed no such dislike, almost the entire Volunteer force going over to the Local Militia without difficulty, though trouble broke out in the Garioch. Within a year Scotland produced 66 regiments with 45,721 men. In 1809 the germ of the Territorial system, as we know it, was suggested by the Adjutant-General, Sir Harry Calvert, who proposed to make the Local Militia part of the Line regiment belonging to its county ; but Castlereagh did not adopt the idea. The administration of the Local Militia was as tortuous as that of its immediate predecessors, and the competition between the various types of troops was extremely demoralising. One of the most vivid pictures of the state of affairs is afforded by an Aberdeen writer, John Milne (1791-1865), the Aberdeen letter carrier who wrote The Widow and Her Son, or the Runaway (Aberdeen, 1851). In the autobiographical introduction, speaking of the clamour for men in the period immediately following the end of the Peace of Amiens (1803-9), Milne, who enlisted in the Artillery in 1813, says (pp. 38-41): Scarcely a male from 18 to 55 could escape from being enrolled as belonging to some corps, and liable to be called out on an hour's warning, in defence of his king and country. To remain entirely a civilian, tradesmen could not, without a pecuniary sacrifice, frequently to a great extent. To obviate the risk of the Militia ballot, members of insurance clubs were often obliged to lodge money to the amount of yearly. If, however, anyone was enrolled as a Volunteer in a TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. corps belonging to the county town, it proved his "ground of exemption " from the ballot. . . . The strength of the Regular Militia regiments was kept up, in general, by being supplied out of the Locals with substitutes for those ballotted for the Regulars. The bounties or rather the value of a substitute rose from 30 to 60, 70 and in some cases to the extent of 100. Men, young or old, at that period were of value. The Government contracts made trade brisk ; the demand for clothes and shoes for the Military, with canvas and other stores for the Navy, could scarcely meet a supply. I have known weavers then earn from thirty to forty shillings a week ; no other tradesmen could make above two-thirds, unless calico printers, but they, too, soon experienced an overwhelming reverse. Farm-servants' wages rose to 10 for six months. But neither farmers, master tradesmen, nor employers of any description could depend upon the services of the men employed a week upon end. Whenever a young man differed from his master, or had any dispute with his mother, his wife or sweetheart, off he went to the depot for substitutes, passed the doctor, and went through the formula of swearing in, and then laid his hands on 60 or ?O, or, in proportion, more or less, with the urgency of the conscriptions. The large amount of capital thus circulated may be said, negatively, to have done good and evil. It was a heavy burden on the country, which many felt ; while it had a tendency to demoralise the recipients, by coming into the possession of so much money, so easily acquired at the time. They no doubt gave it circulation again. Many articles were purchased which continued necessary for the family use for several years ; for, by the original Militia Act, men with large families were not excluded from serving as substitutes. Indeed, at that time, the wives and so many children of those serving, whether sub- stitutes or principals, were entitled to what was called county money, when residing at a distance from their husbands, and it was generally the case that, when an unmarried man took the bounty, he was not long in procuring a female partner to assist him in its disposal. There were some young men who, from prudent motives, deposited their money at interest, and derived benefit from it to themselves and their relations many years afterwards. But the worst feature in the disposal of this suddenly acquired wealth, was the reckless conduct of many others, who, upon the principle of " light come light gone," embraced the period allowed them previous to joining their regiments as a fitting time for revelling in all the grossest scenes of debauchery and dissipation. The taprooms and low public houses derived for a number of years no small emolument from the free-and-easy manner in which the foolish young men parted with their money. Some landlords were agents for the Militia Clubs, both in town and country ; and their A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Ixv. commission on procuring a substitute would have amounted, in a case of emergency, to twenty or twenty-five per cent. Besides, it was a practice with some of the silly fools to keep an open table for all comers, by giving the landlord a one pound note to stick up on the wall ; and, whenever Boniface was pleased to pronounce the amount spent, it was replaced by another. And it was an established fact at the time, that one individual was so reckless in endeavouring to get clear of the money given him in lieu of his freedom as to munch a leopard cat (Aberdeen bank note) along with the buttered toast and a Welsh rabbit. This Militia mania continued from 1803 until 1813. In 1809, I was compelled, on account of being liable to the ballot, to enter the Local Militia, of which there were two regiments for the city, com- manded by Colonels Finlayson and Tower. These were embodied annually for twenty-eight days training ; but, in case of invasion, were liable to be put in actual service, at fourteen days' notice. There was generally at this period some other Regiment stationed in the Barracks. I have seen, on some occasions, upwards of three thousand Military occupying the city.* Such a congregated mass of men, all under the oath of allegiance to the British Crown, seemed as if the war had been the only art or science worth studying, in order to secure the stability of the Empire. Such an extensive war establishment conveyed to many thousands of its conscripts the idea that they had likewise become privileged libertines. Swearing, drinking, and all kinds of debauchery, they considered the probationary course they had to study, before becoming brave soldiers. Even the annual enrollment of the Local Militia was considered as the commencement of a carnival in honour of Mars, Venus, and Bacchus ; and the disembodiment of the Corps generally terminated in fighting and drinking, with a transfer of, perhaps, twenty or thirty to the Regulars. Although I had in a great measure become acquainted with the low ribaldry, the loose slang, and hectoring bravadoes frequently made use of by young recruits, or soldiers-at-will, as Local Militiamen might have been called, I had kept aloof for four or five years from becoming a soldier in reality. The idea never struck me of entering the Regular Militia, although offered repeatedly from 60 to 70 as a substitute. This picture, fully corroborated as it is from many other sources, * Aberdeen got a sharp taste of what " the military" could do by the running amok of the Ross and Cromarty Rangers on the King's Birthday, June 4, 1802, when an old soldier, John Ross, was shot dead in the street. The colonel, a captain, and two sergeants were tried fur murder, but were acquitted, January 10, 1803. The report of their trial was published in Aberdeen, 1803 (pp. 198). A short account of the regiment, with a list of all its officers, was given by the present writer, in the Aberdeen Weekly Journal, August 28, 1914. i Ixvi. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. was not a pretty state of affairs, and shows that the war, so far from chastening the people, had come to demoralise them thoroughly. Happily it all came to an end in 1814, first by the Peace with France (April 11) and then with the United States (December 24). On July 6, i #14, the thanks of Parliament were voted to the Local Militia and the Volunteers.* The Volunteers were at once disbanded, but it was not till 1816 that the Local Militia was formally dismissed. The destruction of Napoleonism at Waterloo in 1 8 1 5 made the Peace of Paris doubly secure, and Great Britain returned to her normal self in allowing her Auxiliary forces to fall into abeyance. The work which the machine had been constructed to perform was done, and as has always happened among us, the machine was permitted to become rusty and practically useless. Had we lived on anything but an island this would probably not have happened. As it was, for nearly forty years the subject of home defence was, as Captain Sebag-Montefiore says, relegated " to the category of abstract questions of military policy." The Duke of Wellington sounded a note of alarm in 1847, but it was not until 1859 that fear of France roused the nation to arms and re-established the Volunteers amid a great deal of chaff from large and well-to-do sections of the community, as the pages of Punch and Ye N obeli Cheese-Monger serve to remind us. Since that time we have seen much neglect and many experiments ; but through it all there has been a steady drift towards the principle of Territorialism, both in regard to the Regular Army and the Auxiliary forces. We have seen in Aberdeen, for instance, the Regular battalion of the Gordon Highlanders much more identified with the town in every way, notably in the establishment of the Institute in Belmont Street ; * Had space permitted, I would have printed the names of all the Volunteers in the counties of Aberdeen and Banff from 1797 to 1803 as preserved at the Public Record Office. As it is, only the names of the commissioned officers have been given in this volume. The names of the rank and file, to the number of very nearly 6,000, have been printed (April-Dec., 1914) by Mr. William Will and myself in 49 issues of eight weekly newspapers in Aberdeen, Peterhead, Fraserburgh, Huntly, Banff, Pprtsoy, Keith, and Buckie, so that in some cases they have appeared side by side with the " Rolls of Honour" of 1914. This represents all the Volunteer organisations in the two counties except in the towns of Aberdeen and Banff which supply some 3,000 more. The printing of the former commenced in the Aberdeen Weekly Journal of December 18, 1914 ; and the latter will be issued in the transactions of the Banff Field Club. An inventory of the rolls already published will be found infra, (pp. 420-421). A GENERAL SURVEY OF TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Ixvii. while round the Regular regiment the old Militia and Volunteer battalions have been grouped : the whole being designed to fit in with tactical necessity. The necessity created by the Great War of 1914 has resulted in the seven battalions of the Gordon Highlanders being increased to fifteen, the four Territorial battalions being duplicated for reserves, while four new battalions, Nos. 8, 9, 10, and II, have been raised as part of " Kitchener's Army." This expansion, which Lord Haldane's scheme fully provided for, has been wise, for civilian recruiters in Banffshire have discovered that the best way of getting men for the new armies has been by assuring them that they would join " the Gordons," where they would meet their kith and kin ; whereas it has been very difficult to induce recruits to join other regiments or different branches of the Service.* This is an exact repetition of the experience of the first recruiters for the Highland regiments, which were essentially battalions of " pals." Much the same .thing has been experienced elsewhere, for it was announced on December I, 1914, that the War Office "have now decided to ear-mark all men recruited hereafter for the New Army to the local units where they enlist, thus making the Territorial principle a reality, and not letting it degenerate into mere matter of nomenclature." A more primitive form of Territorialism was sketched by Lord Kitchener on August 14, 1914, in the matter of the "Home Defence Territorial Forces," to be trained on a system " by which leave can be given for those serving to look after their urgent private affairs somewhat on the Commando principle which prevailed in South Africa." Professional soldiers have been rather doubtful about the value of the Territorials, but the Messines charge of the London Scottish who were attached to the Gordons in South Africa dispelled that doubt ; * The Highland regiments quite obsess the imagination of the German caricaturists, for, although we have only five kilted corps in the Regular Army, a kilted soldier appears in almost every German cartoon. A powerful drawing, in four colours, which appeared in the well-known Munich weekly Jugend, on August 18, 1914, showed two Highland soldiers, in white tunics, with Gordon glengarries and sporrans, but a rather indiscriminate tartan. The picture was called " Albions Sohne," and the legend beneath it, in verse, ran : " Outside picturesque tunics and a costume full of beauty. Inside the allies of Cossacks and barbarians. Like other queer folk, you cannot tolerate with Germany's development. With all your beautiful Highland uniform, what sadness there is in your hearts ! " It may be noted that Mr. Neil Munro, writing from France as correspondent to the Daily Chronicle (Dec. 2), says that the kilt is the " ideal dress for warfare," especially in the trenches. Ixviii. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. while the verdict of Sir John French in his Despatch of November 20 is conclusive : The conduct and bearing of these [nine Territorial] units under fire, and the efficient manner in which they carried out the various duties assigned to them have imbued me with the highest hopes as to the value and help of Territorial Troops generally. In developing the Army on the lines of the genius of our own people (and not merely on Continental models), taking full advantage of our unceasing experiences in India, Egypt, and Africa, we have been proved supremely right. In saying this we have the authority of the leader of the Expeditionary Force of 1914, who, in a memorable Army Order issued on Sunday, November 23, says to his soldiers : I have made many calls upon you, and the answers you have made to them have covered you, your regiments, and the Army to which you belong with honour and glory. Your fighting qualities, courage, and endurance have been subjected to the most trying and severe tests, and you have proved yourselves worthy descendants of the British soldiers of the past who have built up the magnificent traditions of the regiments to which you belong. You have not only maintained those traditions, but you have materially added to their lustre. It is impossible for me to find words in which to express my appreciation of the splendid services you have performed. The present volume, if it shows anything, proves that there is no " degeneracy " in the national temper. " In Scotland," says Mr. Fortescue, writing of the year 1806, "the people were more military," than in England, " and the Volunteers more efficient " : and the crisis of 1914 has found North Britain heading the percentage in recruiting. If this book only helps us to understand that the Soldier must take into consideration the psychology of the Civilian when requesting his services, it will have achieved a purpose which rarely falls within the province of the New Spalding Club. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING IN THE NORTH. THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 1759: RAISED BY THE 4TH DUKE OF GORDON: DISBANDED 1765. The Eighty-Ninth Foot, raised in 1759, and one of the four complete regiments organised by Alexander, 4th Duke of Gordon, in the course of half a century, was not a body of Territorial troops as we understand the system to-day. It was a regiment of the line the first attempt of the north-eastern counties of Scotland to contribute directly to the armed forces of the Crown ; and it affords a striking example of the two great factors which formed the guiding principle of these achievements. On the one hand, it was the result of individual family pride ; on the larger issue, it was a local contribution to the necessities of national defence. To understand the situation one must tell a little family history. Alexander, 4th Duke of Gordon, was born in 1743 and succeeded his father, Cosmo, the 3rd Duke, at the age of nine. Luckily for his boyish Grace, he had a strong-minded mother to guide his footsteps, for, a Gordon herself, she had dowered him with a double dose of the blood of that reckless race. She had not only married into a family suspect of Jacobitism, but on the maternal side she had come out of a Jacobite hotbed, as this table will show : JOHN (MURRAY), GEORGE (GORDON), ist Duke of Atholl ist Earl of Aberdeen ALEXANDER (GORDON), 2nd Duke of Gordon, Jacobite William Gee (Jacobite) (Jacc rge Susan >bite) Murray" 2nd I = Aber ^arl of_ Anne deen ~~ Gordon II 1 Charles Lewis (Loudon's) (Jacobite) Charles (Jacobite) Adam (Army) John, 3rd Du Loudoi Lady Catherine Gordon = ce of Atholl, I's Ft. Alexa 4th Duke c = Cosmo (Gordon) 3rd Duke nder, >f Gordon 2 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Lady Catherine (the step-niece of her own husband !), found herself at the age of thirty-four with six young children on her hands, three boys and three girls. The temper of the boys may be gauged from the fact that the second, Lord William, was yet to bolt with Lady Sarah Bunbury, and the youngest, Lord George, was to make the town ring with his riots against " Popery," and to die in Newgate as a Jew. She clearly felt that the origins of herself and of her boys were not such as to speak in her favour. Three of her Murray uncles had come to grief over both the Jacobite Risings one of them died in the Tower, and the other an exile in Holland. Her father-in-law, the 2nd Duke of Gordon, had fought at Sheriffmuir, suffered imprisonment, and died in an atmosphere of suspicion ; while her brother-in-law, the gallant Lord Lewis Gordon, had died a Jacobite exile in France. These ugly blots had been partly wiped off the slate by another brother-in-law, Lord Charles, joining Lord Loudon's Foot, the first of the Highland regiments raised after the '45, and his brother, Lord Adam (who married Lady Catherine's aunt, the widow of the 2nd Duke of Atholl), was an officer in the 3rd Foot Guards, and shaping to become Commander-in-Chief in Scotland. So, with a clever woman's wit strangely enough, all the five Duchesses of Gordon had more force of character than their consorts she seized on her widowhood as an occasion for sympathetic treatment by the Crown, and got into touch with the Duke of Newcastle, then Secretary of State for the South. She wrote him the following ingeniously conceived epistle (Add. MSS. 32,729 f. 256,) from London, September I, 1752, that is to say, within a month of her husband's death : My Lord, The melancholy event of the death of my Lord the Duke of Gordon is the occasion of my giving your Grace the trouble of this letter: to beg you would do me the honour to take a proper opportunity of acquainting the King of my intention of educating my children in whatever way shall be thought most agreeable to his Majesty, being induced theirto as well by my own principals as by a know- ledge of the great attachment and zeal my deceas'd Lord had to his Majesty and Government, as also a most sincere gratitude for the honour his Majesty did in bestowing so many marks of distinction on him ; which I can assure your Grace he always had the highest value for, and expressed himself in the strongest terms, even in his last moments of his earnest desire to have his children brought up under his Majesty's protection, and the same good principals inculcated in them which he THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 3 had. And allow me to say that his Majesty had not a more faithfull subject. My Lord was very sensible of his obligations to your Grace, and on all occasions expressed his gratitude and the confidence he had in your opinion. May I therefore beg your Grace's assistance in representing to his Majesty the earnest desire I have of my children and I being taken under his Majesty's protection and to beg for the continuance of the pention which my Lord had to me and for the benefite of my younger children who are left unprovided for? I hope your Grace will forgive this trouble and excuse me if I have erred in making this application in a wrong stile. If so, it's from ignorance and the unhappy situation of my mind at present, and not from any intention so flatters my self with the thoughts your Grace will have the goodness to advise me what is right ; and forgive me if I have done wrong. [I] shall stay in town hoping for the honour of a letter from your Grace, and then shall either go to Scotland to settle my affairs their and return against the winter ; or shall waite here the King's arrival as your Grace shall judge most proper, for, as my Lord (through a know- ledge of my principals being the same with his own) did me the honour to put an entire confidence in me, boath as to the education of his children and the management of his eldest son's estate, so [I] would be sorry to think I could be capable of doing anything to betray so great a trust as to take any step with regard to my conduct that was not approved by your Grace : and would fain flatter myself that, if my eldest son lives to be a man and have the same good principals that his father and I joined in wishing him, that he won't be thought unworthy of the protection of his Majesty. Forgive my detaining your Grace so long on this melancholy subject ; and I beg leave to conclude with throwing myself under the protection of his Majesty and your Grace, which obligation shall be most gratefully acknowledged on all occasions by her who has the honour to be with the greatest respect and esteem, My Lord, your Grace's most obedient and most faithfull humble servant, K. GORDON. It does not transpire whether Newcastle did anything in particular at the moment, but her Grace did something for herself she began to look out for a husband, who could help her to manage the boys. Horace Walpole suggests that she made a bid for Stanislas Poniatowski, the last King of Poland his great-grandmother had also been a Lady Catherine Gordon who visited England in 1754. He was fourteen years her junior, but the " Highland goddess " whom Walpole compared to a " raw-boned Scotch metaphysician that has got a red 4 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. face by drinking water " introduced her boys, the Duke and Lord William, to him as Cupids with bows and arrows, while she herself reposed on a couch, a " sea-born Venus." Luckily for her, the young Pole passed her by ultimately for another strong-minded Catherine, the Empress of Russia. But the Duchess still stuck to her purpose, and married on March 25, 1/56, a young American officer, Staats Long Morris, who was twelve years her junior. This alliance set her thinking on the army. In order to give her youthful consort some position, the Duchess wrote on September 18, 1758, from Upper Grosvenor Street to his Grace of Newcastle (Add. MSS., 32,884 f. 49) : Dutchess of Gordon presents her respectfull compliments to the Duke of Newcastle, and as she intends to set out soon for Scotland, hopes his Grace will be so good as to do her the honour to let her have an opportunity to say a few words to his Grace befor she goes, at any time that he pleases to apoint. The motive of her desire to interview his Grace, who possibly did not reply Sir Robert Walpole once declared that " his name was Perfidy " is frankly stated in another letter, which she wrote to him on October 24, 1758, from Upper Grosvenor Street (Add. MSS., 32,885 f . 66) : I had the honour of sending a message to your Grace some time ago, to let you know that I intended to set out for Scotland, and wanted to have say'd a few words to your Grace at any time that was most convenient ; but, as it may have sliped from your memory and I not have an opportunity of seeing your Grace before I go, I now take the liberty to ask your commands with regard to the ensueing elections of the several countys and boroughs in Scotland that I have an interest in, as I am strongly solicited by different candidates, and as I have always acted in the way I thought was most agreeable to your Grace, I shall think myself honoured to have your instructions at this time, which I will obey with pleasure. I am now soliciting my Lord Barrington and Lord Legonier to get Mr. Morris removed into the Guards, and I beg leave to remind your Grace of the application of my brother, the Earl of Aberdeen, made to you for him before he left London, and at the same time to interest your Grace's assistance. Her Grace's interest in soldiering was soon stirred to a much more personal issue, for the country, immersed in war, was clamouring for soldiers, and she saw a great opportunity, not only for finding a billet for her young husband, but also for rescuing the Gordon name from THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 5 a long spell of reproach. She would raise a regiment for her son. True, the capture of Quebec, September 13, 1759, had brought a lull: we were winning. "We are forced to ask every morning what victory there is, for fear of missing one," wrote Horace Walpole. But in the early part of the year the country had been shaken to its foundations, and Aberdeen had suffered from something very like a panic owing to the withdrawal of troops from the coast. On July 11, 1759, John Duncan, Provost of Aberdeen, had forwarded to Lord Holdernesse, Secretary of State, the following memorial on behalf of the city (P.R.O., S.P. Scotland: series 2, bundle 45; No. 58): THAT it has been the practice of having at least three regiments of foot always cantoned along the coast from Inverness to the Firth of Forth. THAT the whole foresaid coast is now left entirely destitute of troops, they being all moved to the incampment as aforesaid. THAT the City of Aberdeen, justly reckoned the third tradeing town in Scotland, cannot help thinking themselves exposed to the most imminent danger from the enemy, as one hundred men from any of the enemy's privateers may enter their port and ravage and destroy every thing before them without the least opposition. THAT untill the year 1745 the said city had a Block-house at the mouth of their harbour mounted with thirteen guns, mostly twelve pounders, and at the same time had at least two hundred stand of small arms for the use of the citizens on all emergencies. These cannon and armes were in the month of September, 1745, at the earnest desire of Sir John Cope, then commanding the forces at Aberdeen, delivered up to him (least they should fall into the hands of the rebells), and accord- ingly were shipt off with his army at Aberdeen and landed at Dunbar ; so that at present there is neither cannon nor small arms in or about the City of Aberdeen to make the least defence. THAT it is notour that the harbours of Aberdeen, Montrose, and Peterhead are the three most exposed of any on the East Coast of Scotland to the invasion of enemies, all the other seaports on the east coast of Scotland being within firths where an enemy would not venture so boldly to approach ; and for a proof of this it is well known that in the late unnatural Rebellion these were the only three ports where troops or implements of war were landed to support the rebells. The above facts being duly considered call loudly for the assistance and protection of the Government, and if at this critical juncture troops cannot be spared to be cantoned along the foresaid part of the Eastern Coast, it is at least hoped that some forty- and-twenty- gun ships of war should be stationed along the same in order to deterr enemies from TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. approaching, for, should that part of the coast be left entirely destitute of protection either by sea or land and an enemy once got a footing on shoar, it's hard to know what progress they may make or how the Event may turn out. It is therefore prayed that the Right Honourable the Lord Holder- nesse will lay the foresaid memorial before the most Honourable his Majesty's Privy Council and also before the Lords of the Admiralty, that they may grant such Relief in the premises as to them shall seem best. Meantime, the Duchess knew that some of the great families had raised troops the (Loudon) Campbells, the Frasers, the Keiths, the (Dunoon) Campbells, the (Argyll) Campbells, and the noble Sutherlands the last four organising regiments in this very year, 1759. The Gordons must not be left out ; so she set to work, immensely aided, of course, by the youth of her first-born. The task had its difficulties, for even the presence of national enemies did not silence family enmities ; so the Duke of Argyll opposed the proposal. Stewart of Garth states that the Duchess " dreaded the authority " of Argyll, representing " the youth of her son and the danger that would result should his political influence in his minority be directed to another family, and especially to that family between which and her own so many ancient feuds had subsisted, the seeds of which still remained, if not in the minds, at least in the traditions, of many. Greater exertions were, in consequence, made to support what the Duchess called the cause of her son and the honour of his family " (Highlanders, 2nd ed., ii., 36). Argyll's opposi- tion, as we shall see, did not end here. The official mandate for the creation of the regiment (Add. MSS. 33,056 f. 36) is undated and unaddressed, but it clearly had been sent to the Duke of Newcastle, who was Prime Minister at the time. It was as follows : Captain Morris, of Lord Robert Manners' Regiment, husband to the Duchess of Gordon, proposes to raise a regiment of Highlanders for foreign service, with the assistance of the Duke of Athol, Lord Finlater, Lord Desford, Sir Ludovic Grant, and other Highland chief[s]. He asks no levy money and desires no rank for himself or officers till the battalion is completed and approved on a review by the end of April next or sooner. The undertakers for other Highland corps had three pounds per man levy money, and had their commissions immediately. They did not undertake to raise the men within a limited time. If Captain Morris THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 7 succeeds in this attempt he expects to command the corps with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, like Montgomery and Fraser. The Duke of Gordon will have a company. The first commissions of the officers are all dated between October 1 3 and October 23, 1759 (W.O., 25; 138, pp. 105, 114, 118, 124, 127, 170: W.O., 25 ; 209, p. 178 : Stewart's Highlanders, 2nd ed., ii., 37 ; Aberdeen Journal, Dec. 5, 1759): COLONEL. Staats Long Morris, October 13, 1759. He was M.P. for the Elgin Burghs, 1774-89; became a general; and died as Governor of Quebec (a post to which he was gazetted vice Johnstone, deceased, on December 15, 1797), April 2, 1800, being buried in Westminster Abbey. MAJORS. George Scott, October 13, 1759; he became a general in 1798, and died in 1811. Hector Munro, October 13, 1759. Born in 1726, he suppressed the mutiny at Patna, 1764, won the battle of Buxar, 1764, captured Pondi- cherry, 1778; was knighted 1779; and died in 1805. CAPTAINS. Alexander, 4th Duke of Gordon, October 13, 1759 ; the real begetter of the 89th. Alexander Duff of Davidston, October 14, 1759. Born in 1725, he was the son of John Duff of Culbin (one of the few unlucky Duffs) by Mary, daughter of James Gordon, the first, of the first set of Gordons of Ellon ; her nephews James and Andrew Gordon were both officers in the army. Alexander Duff married in 1771 his first cousin Magdalen, daughter of William Duff of Muirtown, and his son John (1772-1836) succeeded to Drummuir. Alexander died in 1778 (Taylers 1 Book of the Duffs, 391). In 1759 he was the only Duff holding a commission in the Army. His grandmother, Katherine Duff of Drummuir, declared that " soldiers is but slaves " (Ibid., 475). Ludovick Grant, of Knockando, October 17, 1759. Normand Lamont, October 18, 1759; son of the Laird of Lamont. William McGillivray, October 16, 1759; brother of Alexander McGillivray of Drumnaglass, who was killed leading the Mackintoshes at Culloden, and whom he succeeded. Duncan Macpherson, October 19, 1759; afterwards of the 42nd and 7 1st Regiments; died 1807. George Morison, October 15, 1759; son of Theodore Morison of Bognie. He held the estate of Haddo, married in 1767, Jean, daughter of General Abercromby of Glassaugh, and died at Banff, April I, 1777 8 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. (Temple's Fermartyn, 156). His widow married in 1781, Admiral Robert Duff of Logic (Book of the Duffs, 102, 317, 475). His brother, Alexander Morison of Bognie, married Catherine, the step-sister of George's fellow captain, Alexander Duff (Temple's Fermartyn, 157). CAPTAIN-LIEUTENANT. Archibald Dunbar, October 13, 1759 (from ensign, 56th). A member of the Northfield family: died before March 30, 1762. LIEUTENANTS. William Baillie, October 18, 1759; killed in India, 1779, while commanding a detachment of Sir Hector Munro's force. George Campbell, October 22, 1759. Came from Rothes. Alexander Duff, October 12, 1760. Duff, who was a natural son of Alexander Duff, II. of Hatton, entered the 58th Regiment in 1772, was honorary Colonel of the Banffshire Volunteers, laird of Mayen, and died in 1816 (Book of the Duff's, 273). William Finlason, October 20, 1759. Son of John Finlason (born at Dysart, 1708) by his wife, Anne, daughter of Alexander Gordon of Aberdour, he spent nearly 60 years in the Army, and died in Aberdeen, 1817. A long account of his career was given by J. M. Bulloch in the Aberdeen Weekly Journal, August 7, 1914. John Forbes, January 24, 1765. James Fordyce, April 21, 1760. Alexander Godsman, October 19, 1759. Charles Gordon, October 13, 1759; fought at Buxar, where Sir Hector Munro praised him " my A.D.C., for his brave and spirited behaviour ; this officer had his horse shot under him in action." Captain- Lieutenant, March 30, 1762. He was the son of William, I. of Sheela- green, and commanded the Atholl Highlanders, 1782-3. Died unmarried, 1789 (Gordons under Arms, No. 303). John Gordon, October 23, 1759. Son of Alexander, Collector of Customs, and brother of Sir Alexander, of Lesmoir. Died 1761 (Gordons under Arms, No. 887). Lord William Gordon, October 13, 1759. Brother of the 4th Duke of Gordon. Born 1744; d.s.p.m., 1823 (Gordons under Arms, No. 1401). Ludovick Grant, October 16, 1759; preferred. Ralph Hanson, October 21, 1759; probably a relative of Catherine, daughter of Oswald Hanson, of Wakefield, Yorkshire, wife of the 3rd Earl of Aberdeen. Lawrence Leith, October 14, 1759. Son of Alexander Leith, of Bucharn, a cadet of the Leith-hall family. He was afterwards in the Aberdeenshire Fencibles, and died at Bucharn unmarried, December 17, 1795- THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 9 John Macdonald, October 25, 1759. He was Lieutenant-Colonel of the 8 1st Regiment in 1783. Macleod, October 27, 1759. He was superseded by Alexander Duff. Angus McNeil, October 29, 1759; cancelled February 12, 1760. Alexander Macpherson, October 26, 1759. William Macpherson, October 28, 1759. Rotrus Thomas Richard Maitland, March 20, 1760. Robert Munro, April 25, 1760. Alexander Stewart, October 15, 1759. He was a Captain in the Garioch Volunteers of 1798. Laird of Lesmurdie ; died before July 4, 1785, when his widow, Jean Gordon, died at Burghead. Alexander Stuart, October 17, 1759. Laird of Tinninver. ENSIGNS. James Bennet, October 13, 1759. He was Quartermaster. Matthias Calvert, October 14, 1759. Lieutenant, November 18, 1761. Alexander Donald, October 13, 1759. He was Adjutant: Lieuten- ant, April 28, 1764. Alexander Donald, November 16, 1761. John Edwards, October 18, 1759. Harry Gilchrist, October 20, 1759. Alexander Gordon, October 16, 1759. Only son of George, of Cults ; he was occupant of Tilliethrowie. Lord George Gordon, October 13, 1759; Lieutenant, March 30, 1762. Brother of the 4th Duke of Gordon. Born in 1751, he entered the Navy, became notorious as the anti-Catholic rioter ; and died un- married in Newgate, 1793. James Gordon, October 15, 1759. He entered the 48th Foot as Lieutenant, October 26, 1763 (Gordons under Arms, No. 710). John Innes, April 29, 1764. John Macpherson, October 19, 1759. Caesar Morison, April 28, 1764. Alexander Munro, January 26, 1765. John Nairne, April 26, 1764. William Nairne, April 27, 1764. Patrick Ogilvy, October 17, 1759. Brother of Ogilvy of East Milne. James Willox ; March 30, 1762. CHAPLAINS. Rjev. Alexander Chalmers, October 13, 1759. He was minister of Cairnie (1747-98), and married Lady Anne Gordon, daughter of the 3rd Duke of Gordon. He died s.p. October 2, 1798, aged 78. John Pritchard, March 30, 1762. B 10 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. SURGEONS. James Arthur, October 13, 1759. He was the son of a farmer near Bathgate. On April 4, 1756, he married, privately, the daughter of John Gourlay, maltman, Stirling. She afterwards raised an action to be acknowledged as his legal wife (Add. MSS. 36,174). Alexander Findlay, M.D., King's College, Aberdeen, 1760, succeeded Arthur. Agent Drummond, Spring Gardens, London. Patrick ("Tiger") Duff (1742-1803), of the Torriesoul family, was a " gentleman volunteer " in the Spth, but he transferred to the H.E.I.C. in 1762 (Book of the Duffs, 474). His mother was a Letterfourie Gordon. 1 hough we know the motives for raising the regiment, we have very few data about the measures adopted to achieve the task, for not only are there no documents on the subject in the Gordon Castle archives, but there is not a single muster roll at the Public Record Office. The accounts of the recruiters' success differ considerably. Stewart of Garth says that " in a few weeks, 960 men assembled at Gordon Castle." The Aberdeen Journal of November 24 says that several of the officers were " so popular in places where they reside that they have already raised a considerable number of recruits," and on December 5 it tells us that the regiment was filling up " apace," and that, if the war con- tinued, Morris was to raise three more companies, " which, when com- pleated, 'tis reckoned will make as good an appearance as any in the British Establishment." On the other hand, Lord Adam Gordon, the uncle of the youthful Duke, writing to the Lord Register from Preston- hall, January 8, 1760, says (Add. MSS., 32,901, f. 160) : " I hear Morris's Corps goes on slow, the numbers not exceeding 300." Yet the pay list from October 13, to December 24, 1759, was for nine companies, or 1,035 men, and amounted to 3640 (W.O. 24: 356). The Duchess went north to help in the project, though by doing so she endangered her chances of getting the reversion of the Countess of Stair's pension of 400 a year, for, writing to Newcastle on November 26, she says (Add. MSS. 32,899 f. 126): "I would have done myself the honour to have solicited your Grace [to get Lady Stair's pension] in person, but forwarding the raising of Mr. Morris's battalion requires my attention here [Gordon Castle]." It is certain that her Grace did not resort to the compulsive and THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. II crimping methods of the period, of which she had had an unpleasant personal experience, as this letter which she wrote on May n, 1757, shows (W.O. i: 973): A few days ago, Thomas Williams, my postilion, was impressed into His Majesty's Service, and I have made application for his discharge [granted May 12] to the Commissioners, who inform me I cannot have him released without further orders from your Lordship. Therefore, I take the liberty to request of you, if it is consistent with His Majesty's service to give the proper orders for his discharge, which will much oblige [me]. We get one or two glimpses of the mechanism employed in raising men.* Thus, Alexander Duff of Davidston, wrote from Inverness, December 5, 1759, to William, Lord Fife (Book of the Duffs, 392): I beg ten thousand pardons for not waiting of your Lordship and my Lady Fife, when I was last in the East Country. I was then solliciting for a Company in Coll. Morris Highland Regiment, and was in such a hurry and confusion, that I scarce knew what I was doeing. . . . I have at last, with some difficulty, procured a Company, but I have the burden of 60 men upon my shoulders. Mr. George Morrison [his brother-in-law] haveing got a Company in the same Regiment makes my recruiting more difficult, as his brother [the laird of Bognie] will give him all the assistance which I might have expected if Mr. George had not been in the field. We are told by the Collnl. that, if we do not raise our quota of men, we shall be superceded. I am the only one of the Clan that is a capn. in the Army. I hope they will stand by a Clansman, and not see him affronted. Our rank in the Regiment depends upon our raseing our quota of men. If your lordship would be so kind as give me your countenance, it would be doeing me a verry signall service, and laying me under ane obligation never to be f orgott by myself or ff riends. I have a few men already and will with all my heart give 5 guineas for every good man. I depend on your Lordship's goodness in my present situation. The Dunbar family also invoked the Quality to help them, as appears from a letter which Lord Moray wrote to Mackintosh, his * When the 8gth was being recruited, the Aberdeen Journal of December 25, 1759, recorded this curious case : " Last week a young girl, who lives near the town of Keith, drest herself in man's apparel and enlisted in the Royal Volunteers, having received four guineas bounty money. At bed-time, she took the opportunity to slip out and shifted to her proper dress : but, being discovered, she was obliged to return the money." 12 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. chamberlain at Inverness, December 2,7 (Dunbar's Social Life in Former Days, 2nd series, pp. 161-2): As Mr. Dunbar of Duffus his son has gott a commission in Collonel Morris's Batalion, he will immedeatly sett about recruiting. I am in- formed that [William McGillivray of] Drumnaglas [whose elder brother Alexander had been killed at Culloden, where he commanded the Mackintoshes] has got a company in said batallion. I do call upon you and all those under your care who pretend freindship and regard for me and my family to be aiding and assisting to Captain Dunbar ; and if any other recruiting party, or officer should interfere with him, I desire that my weight may be throwen into Captain Dunbar's scale, where the terms are equall ; and if I hear (and hear I will) that after you receive this letter any recruits are gone out of the Lordship of Petty and not unto Captain Dunbar's Company, I will not easily forgett nor forgive it to those who have had the smallest hand in contributing towards it. You may let my vassals know that they cannot come to me with a stronger claim to my freindship than by giving me proof that they deserve it by giving substantial assistance to Captain Dunbar, notwithstanding the pretext of Drumaglash his company. Be active in this affair as you wish to oblige your assured freind, Moray. The truth seems to be that even at this early date, before recruiting rivalry became acute, men were not easy to get. Certain it is they were not easy to hold, as the desertions advertised in the Journal show : 1759, December 4. Captain Morison's Company John Beverley, born in the parish of Old Aberdeen, and lately servant to James Christie, horse-hirer in Aberdeen. Beverley is about twenty-five years of age, full six feet high, brown bushy hair, broad shoulders, stoops a little ; had on when he deserted a drab colour coat with metal buttons. Who- ever shall apprehend the said deserter, and deliver him to Alexander Morison, younger of Bognie, Esq., at Frendraught, or to Daniel Freeman, Captain Morison's sergeant in Aberdeen, shall have 2Os. sterling reward, over and above the 2Os. allowed by Act of Parliament for apprehending deserters. If the said deserter deliver himself up voluntarily to the said Sergeant Freeman before Saturday next, he shall be pardoned, for this his first desertion. If any person receive the said Beverley to their service, or conceal him, they will be prosecute with the utmost rigour of law. 1760, January I. From Captain Morison's Company John Gordon, born in the Parish of Belhelvie, a tailor, about 22 years of age, about 5 ft. 8 in. high, black hair, a genteel thin lad ; had on when he THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 13 deserted a dark blue coat with a velvet neck, scarlet belt, black plush breeches, large silver buckles on his shoes. 1760, January 15. From Captain Morison's Company Alexander M'Intosh, born in Ross-shire, but an inhabitant of Marnoch since he was 4 years of age ; a labouring servant, late of George Hay of Montblairy ; about 24; 5 ft. ^ l / 2 in., black, bushy hair, thick and able-bodied ; had on when he deserted a short grey coat and waistcoat, and brownish breeches. To be delivered to Alexander Morison of Pitfaucie at Frendraught, or Robert Shand in Conland, Captain Morison's sergeant in Forgue, or to Sergeant Freeman in Aberdeen. 1760, February 12. From Captain McGillivray's Company William Young, 33, a tinker, 5 ft. 3 ; black complexion, black hair, black eyes, thin black beard, wearing a red freize coat, an old tartan vest and philibeg, and worsted stockings. George Smith, 19, labourer, in the Parish of Cairney ; 5 ft. 2^ in. ; brown complexion, black hair, gray eyes ; had a sinew broke on his left hand ; stooped forward in his walking ; had on when he deserted a gray coat and tartan waistcoat, gray breeches and stockings. Collector Finlason, Aberdeen [father of the future Colonel William Finlason], was to be applied to for the reward for apprehending the deserters. 1760, March 25. Lieutenant Charles Gordon's Company John Archibald, 40, shoemaker ; native of Parish of Insch ; enlisted at Sheela- green on February I, 1760, and went off from Duncanstone, in Leslie, the place of his abode, on Monday, March 17, in a short brown coat, and old green waistcoat, blue breeches with black buttons, and black striped stockings, with a broad saddle girth round his middle. A squat, well-made man, brown complexion, and ash brown hair, a little bald. To begin with, at any rate, the regiment was called " Lieutenant- Colonel Commandant Staats Long Morris's Highland Battalion of Foot," and it was thus that the officers were gazetted (W.O., 25 ; 138 ; p. 114). But it got the number Eighty-Ninth, in point of precedence, being the first regiment in the British Army so designated. By a happy coincidence, the modern 8gth, which was raised in 1793, now forms the second battalion of the Royal Irish Fusiliers, of which the first battalion is the old 87th, a number first assigned to Keith's Highlanders, raised in the same year as the Duke of Gordon's Sgth. Stewart asserts that the regiment marched from Gordon Castle to Aberdeen in December, 1759. As a matter of fact, the uniforms and swords did not arrive in Aberdeen till January 8, and it was only during that month that some of the men began to arrive there. The Duke himself was "expected by February I," and when he arrived, he 14 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. appeared " every day in the Highland dress " it is not, however, clear whether the regiment wore the kilt " which becomes him extremely well." The Regiment was divided into two sections, of five and four com- panies respectively. On February 5, 1760, Lord George Beauclerk, commanding the Forces in Scotland, wrote a most significant letter to Lord Barrington, the War Minister, from Edinburgh (W.O. I : 614): I have this day received a letter from Lieut. Col. Morris acquainting me that five companies of his Battalion will be the first week of this month at Aberdeen. It likewise contains an unprecedented request, which I could by no means think of complying with, tho', by way of giving it the greater weight, he pleads that it was agreeable to what your lordship had desired of consulting him upon these and other oc- casions. His proposal, most warmly insisted upon, is that the Companies shall be reviewed at Aberdeen before they begin their march from thence to embark at Leith. I have given him the following reasons for my not concurring with this measure, viz., that I must look upon the several officers to be respectively responsible for the men they shall have raised till reviewed, and, consequently, the most effectual tye on these officers to give all possible attention to prevent desertion. For this single reason, I have, as a measure universally approved of, had all the Highland Corps reviewed as near the place of embarkation as possible. The reason is obvious ; it is well known that men who are raised in the Highlands enlist from the principles of personal regard and attachment to their officers, and, of course, look upon themselves as particularly bound to adhere to those officers as long as they are thus answerable for them. The officers, too are, on their part, equally bound to exert every influence to prevent any bad consequences, as none of their men are sustain'd till reviewed ; and, therefore, the later both officers and men are released from their reciprocal engagements, the more it must tend to the good of the service. I thought it proper to acquaint your Lordship with those facts, that, in case you should have any different representation of this matter, you may see it in all its lights. The five companies did not remain long at Aberdeen, but set out for Edinburgh, via Kirkcaldy, some men deserting on the road to the Lang Toun, so that Morris had to advertise for them in the Journal of March 3. The section was reviewed at Kirkcaldy, on February 18, by Lieutenant-Colonel Tayler, who reported as follows (W.O. i : 614): OFFICERS Of a very good appearance, young, and extremely fit for service. THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 15 NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS In general, tall and young men, and very fit for service. DRUMMERS Young boys, and learning to beat. MEN Front ranks of a good age and size. The rear ranks mostly young, and unexceptionable, as are most of the center ranks, according to the instructions for raising, which allow of low size, if well limbed. About twenty boys, rather too young, but straight, well limbed, and show signs of spirit and marched well from the North. ARMS About three hundred swords and pistols only given out ; the rest in store or at the makers. Those I saw are good and new. CLOATHING Very good and laced. Only three hundred suits issued ; the rest reported in London. ACCOUNTS None. COMPLAINTS Not any. In countersigning this, February 28, Beauclerk wrote " Upon the whole, a great number of the men in the Prime of Life for service, and no indulgence shown but to a few boys, on account of their spirit and appearance of being very soon quite unexceptionable." Four transports were employed to take them from Burntisland to the Nore, namely the " Betsy," " Hopetoun " (with 330 men), and the "Carolina" and "Helen" (with 180) seventeen of the passengers be- longing to Colonel Parslow's regiment. Lord George announced to the War Minister that the five companies " sailed from Leith Road, on Sunday morning," March 2. As a matter of fact, one of the transports broke down and did not sail till March 16, when the contractor, David Loch, put in a bill for 40 for the demurrage of 378 tons, in addition to the 919 which he charged, of which 369 went in fares (at 155. a man), and "382 for food. Loch's statement of his charge from March 6 to March 16 makes curious reading (W.O. I : 614): To extraordinary charge taking up and fitting with the greatest despatch a larger ship, one of the transports being damaged by a storm ; and, though she was immediately and effectually repaired, yet the Highlanders, from their being intirely unacquainted with sea affairs, would not embark on board the transport from an unreasonable concep- tion of her still being leaky and insufficient, tho' the contrary was attested by the Naval officers and ship's carpenters sent by Commodore Boys at Lord George Beauclerk's desire to examine said ship. As we shall see, part of the regiment was to return to England in a storm, so that the 89th got a good taste of the sea. On March 22, the commander-in-chief ordered two of the companies to march to 1 6 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Petersfield and three to Chichester, which has since become so closely identified with the ducal family of Richmond and Gordon (W.O. 5 : 47, P- 344)- Morris himself did not sail on March 2, for Beauclerk wrote to Barrington on March 6 (W.O. i: 614): I have this day received a letter from Lieut. Col. Morris, acquainting me that your Lordship desires the four remaining companies of his battalion shall be at Spithead by the 2Oth, and leaving it to him to have them forwarded from hence by sea or land. As he thinks it best for the service to have them embarked at Aberdeen, the sooner I receive your Lordship's instructions on this head it will be much the better, that noe delay may be occasioned on the part of the transports which, he says, can now be got at Aberdeen, time enough for that purpose. He told me when here that your Lordship did not intend they should be reviewed previous to their embarkation, of which your Lord- ship will likewise be pleased to inform me and whether any muster of them is necessary in Scotland. Lord Barrington wrote the following instructions on the back of this letter: Acquaint Lord George that I had the honour of writing to his Lord- ship upon the subject of this letter by last post. I told Lieut. Col. Morris that, if I received a good report of the five companies, I would issue the commissions to the officers of the remaining four as soon as they were returned compleatt, without waiting till they were reviewed. However, I always intended that they should be reviewed before they embarked, as your Lordship may have observed from my last letter. I do not think it necessary that they should be mustered, as the other companies were not. Acquaint Lieut. Col. Morris that, from a letter I have received from Lord Geo. B., I apprehend he has misunderstood a passage in my letter to him of relative to the four last companies of his Battalion. With regard to the other four companies, two entered Aberdeen on March 31, 1760, and Beauclerk ordered them to be embarked there by April 6, so that they might be reviewed and sail from Aberdeen by the loth. It was not till June 15 that they sailed under convoy of H.M.S. "Tartar" (W.O. i: 614). Here again there was a bungle, for James Burnett, the contractor, put in an extra claim, as he had bought provisions at a dear rate and " in a hurray " for thirty days for 400 men, but, " by a deficiency of men," the greater part of the provisions was thrown on his hands. The fares to Portsmouth cost 150 and the THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 17 victualling 117, while there was a charge of $ for the use of ten boats from the beach to the transports. Meantime, Loch put in another claim for taking the five companies, which had been despatched from Burntisland, from the Nore to Ports- mouth. These sailings did not absorb the whole regiment. Part of it went by road, for the War Office informed Lieutenant Fordyce, Novem- ber 24, 1760 "It is His Majesty's pleasure that you cause the party belonging to Col. Morris's Highland Battalion under your command to march from Berwick by the shortest and most convenient route to London " (W.O. 5 : 48, p. 93). Of course, the 8gth was a regiment of the line, and, unlike the Fencibles, liable to be sent abroad, but raw as it was, it received a shock on being ordered to sail for India. This is said to have been the doing of Argyll. According to Walpole Duke Archibald [of Argyll] was undoubtedly a dark, shrewd man. I recollect an instance, for which I should not choose to be quoted just at this moment, though it reflects on nobody living. I forget the precise period, and even some of the persons concerned ; but it was in the minority of the present Duke of Gordon. A regiment had been raised of Gordons. Duke Archibald desired the command of it to a favourite of his own. The Duchess-Dowager insisted on it for her second husband. Duke A. said, " Oh, to be sure, her Grace must be obeyed " ; but instantly got the regiment ordered to the East Indies which had not been the reckoning of a widow re-married to a young fellow. A corroboration of Walpole's story comes from the Duchess of Gordon herself. On March 3, 1760, she wrote from London to the Duke of Newcastle as follows (Add. MSS. 32,903 f. 57). My Lord, I am sorry to be under the necessity of troubling your Grace with a letter on a subject that I would have wished to have spoke on to you, could I have flattered myself to have had an opportunity. But, as it is too interesting for the wellfair of my family to admit of silence or delay, I am obliged to take this method to express to your Grace the surprise it gives me to hear that the regiment, which Mr. Morris has been raising on my son the Duke of Gordon's estate, is intended to be sent to the East Indias. I must acquaint your Grace that how soon his Majesty approv'd of this regiment being raised, from that unwearied zeal I have always show'd to his Majesty's person and government I imedetly exerted myself to assist Mr. Morris to have this regiment properly officer'd and as quickly recruited as possible ; and I flatter myself the success has C 1 8 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. attended (in spite of many dimcultys) will show the confidence his Majesty was gratiously pleased to bestow on us was neither misplaced nor abused. And the chearfullness exprest by my son's vassells and tenants in assisting this measure of government will testify my son's influence over them and readyness to exert himself in his Majesty's service, for I brought him to Scotland on purpose to forward the recruit- ing service, well knowing his presence would be of the greatest consequence. Your Grace must be sensible after this exertion of my family and the readyness of my son's tenants in chearfully inlisting that nothing can equal the shock that it gives me to hear they are intended for the East Indias a measure that must deeply affect the interest of my young family upon this first essay of their early zeal for his Majesty's person and government (in which I hope they will always distinguish them- selves) ; and your Grace must permit me to mention how greatly it must hurt them and affect the confidence of their tenants to find them- selves order'd to the East Indias, so contrary to my hopes and expecta- tions, as I always flatter'd myself they wer to have served his Majesty in Germany, or at home. My anxious concern on this occasion obliges me to apply to your Grace (whose protection and countinance my family has experienced) to intreat that you'll be so good as give such directions as you shall judge proper to change the intended destination of this regiment, which I hope you will the more readily comply with, as I can assure your Grace no measure could be more hurtfull to Government in our part of the world as well as to my son's interest, of which, I would soon convince you had I an opportunity of a few minutes conversa- tion with your Grace. Whether Newcastle put in a plea for the Duchess is not clear. Probably he did not, for she frequently troubled him with her demands ; but, if he did, he failed, for the regiment was packed off to India. Stewart makes the statement that the youthful Duke of Gordon (then only sixteen) " left College [which one ?] with the intention of embarking with his friends for the East Indies " : This spirited resolution, however, was checked by George II., who recommended the Duchess to send her son back to finish his education. There being only nine Dukes in the kingdom of Scotland, he could not, he said, suffer him to leave his native country ; and, commending his spirit and patriotism, he added that he had more important services in view for him than any he could perform as captain of a company in the East Indies. This advice, so like a mandate, was, of course, followed, and the Duke remained at home. Stewart has given wide vogue to the statement that the 8gth THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 19 embarked at Portsmouth for the East Indies "in December, 1760, and reached Bombay in November, 1761." Mr. Fortescue gets nearer the truth when he says that " half a regiment [sic] of Morris's Highlanders under Major Hector Munro," arrived at Pondicherry on September, 2 (History of the Army, ii., 481). As a matter of fact, the Sgth, or part of it, reached the scene of the great siege in August, for Major William Gordon, of the 84th Foot, who died as Governor of Pondicherry in 1761, writing (to an unknown correspondent) from L'Oulanget Camp, near that town, on October 27, 1760, says (Add. MSS. 35,917 f. 44): "The reinforcement of four additional companies, 600 marines, and six com- panies of Morris's Highland Regiment, who joined in August last, was very seasonable, as the two preceding months were sickly ; our hospitals full ; numbers died." The 8pth was subsequently stationed in different parts of India. Part of the regiment sailed from Bombay in an old tub, H.M.S. " Elizabeth," and had a dreadful voyage home, the passage occupying from December 16, 1763, to July n, 1764. Indeed, the voyage was one of the most trying on record, and Mr. Edward Fraser, the naval historian, tells me that the saving of the ship " is one of the most wonderful stories of the sea." It was an ironic fate for a race like the Highlanders who disliked the sea, and, not improbably, the tradition of it may have had something to do with the subsequent refusal of Highland regiments to embark on foreign service. The " Elizabeth" had been launched on November 29, 1737, being partly built out of the timbers of an earlier " Elizabeth," which had been taken to pieces in 1734. She was of 70 guns (afterwards reduced to 64), and 1,124 tons. She had fought with Vernon in the West Indies and elsewhere, finally in the East Indies in the Pocock-D'Ache series of battles 1759-60, and her last commission part of it under the captaincy of Kempenfelt of " Royal George " fame was at Bombay, with the voyage homewards. She was taken to pieces at Chatham in 1765. The whole story of her terrible voyage home is told with technical minuteness by the captain (P.R.O. : Captains' Logs, 307). On December 15, 1763, the vessel embarked " 100 Highland soldiers," eight sergeants and eight corporals, besides officers, and the fort " saluted Colonel Morris with 1 5 guns as he was leaving the shore. We," says the log, " saluted with 13 at his coming aboard." An unsigned 20 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. letter in the Aberdeen Journal (June 25, 1/64), says that Morris was accompanied by the following officers : Captains Morison, Lament and Leith ; Lieutenants Stuart, sen. and jun., Finlason, Hanson and Fordyce ; Ensign Donald, and about 100 soldiers. " Major [Hector] Munro and the other officers at Bombay could not be accommodated in the ' Elizabeth,' and remain till another op- portunity, which probably would happen in the month of February last." The "Elizabeth" weighed anchor on December 16, and found Admiral Cornish's fleet on the coast of Malabar. Bad weather began to be experienced on January 31, in latitude of 20 degrees south, between Madagascar and the African coast. The gale was so furious that on February I the Captain hove four guns overboard to save the ship. " She strained so much," he says, " that all the brickworks of the copper and grates fell down," and there was 6 ft. S% ins. of water in the hold. On February 2, he struck the top mast. The Journal correspondent continues the story: It was with the greatest difficulty we could keep the crazy old ship from sinking, although four chain pumps were constantly employed during the gale. The seams opened by the violent motion of a high sea, and, to compleat her misfortune, the rudder hinges gave way, and were obliged to be cut away ; and she was preserved from sinking only by a number of people at the pumps, and wrapping her round with cables and hawsers, to prevent her from parting asunder. After the gale, a machine was contrived to supply the defect of a rudder, but answered so badly that it was six weeks before we reached the Cape, although the common passage was not 14 days from the place we lost our rudder in. [Cape Town was reached on March 9.] After our arrival at the Cape, Colonel Morris and Ensign Fordyce took their passage on board the " Osterley," Indiaman, from Bengal, and the admiral had resolved to bring the " Elizabeth " home, contrary to the opinion of every officer belonging to the ship, except the captain. To stop her leaks was impossible, as they were occasioned by an universal defect in her timbers and planks ; and they had begun to cover her outside with tarred canvas, when the " Osterley " left the Cape on March 21. The admiral gave leave to four of our officers to take their passage on board the " Chatham," a good ship ; and Leith and the two Stuarts had the good fortune to draw lots for the " Chatham." Captain Morison, as commanding officer, was indulged with his choice, which he made for the " Chatham." I hope the " Elizabeth " will meet with fair weather. If she has such fine weather as we have met in the " Osterley " and which she has THE EIGHTY-NINTH REGIMENT OF FOOT. 21 reason to expect, there will be no great damage. But if she encounters a gale of wind, I should be much afraid of her. The admiral intended to sail from the Cape the end of April. As a matter of fact the " Elizabeth " was in such a bad condition that she had to lie up at the Cape for repairs from March 9 to April 17, and stopped at St. Helena, May 3, 4, 5. It was not until July 11 that England was reached, the troops being disembarked on July 12. Meantime, greater things were in store for Munro and the remnant of the regiment, for just as he was on the point of embarking for England, he was summoned back to succeed Carnac. He brought with him the remains of his own regiment, the 8gth, and of Morgan's, the goth, and in August, 1764, reached Patna, which was in a highly mutinous state. Early in the following month he broke the mutiny, and blew twenty-four of the mutineers from guns under thrilling circumstances. Munro achieved a far greater success at Buxar, a few weeks later, October 23, when he completely defeated the huge army of Oude. It is not known when the remainder of the regiment came home, but Stewart says it was disbanded in 1765. He is also responsible for the statement that " an uncommon circumstance attended their service," in the fact that, although five years embodied, four of which were spent in India, or on the passage going and returning, " there was neither death, promotion, nor any change whatever among the officers except that of Lieutenant Lord William Gordon," promoted, and that of his successor to his lieutenancy. As there are no muster rolls or other data, it is difficult to check this statement. But we know that one of the officers, John Gordon, of the Lesmoir family, died on September I, 1761, being buried the same day in St. Mary's Cemetery, Madras. Death certainly occurred among the rank and file. An advertisement in the Aberdeen Journal of November 2, 1764, names the following soldiers of Colonel Morris's regiment and Captain Morison's company James Annan, James Bonnyman, Thomas Fraser, John Jopp, and William M'Donald, who died during the absence of the regiment from Britain. " Captain Morison gives notice to the nearest relatives of these men that upon proving their propinquity he will pay them the money due to the deceased." The second " uncommon circumstance ", which struck Stewart as " more remarkable and in itself highly honourable to this respectable 22 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. corps," was that not one man in the regiment was " brought to the halberts or deserted during the five years." The first statement may be true ; but the second, as we have seen, was certainly not : but it affords Stewart the opportunity of ending his pioneer account of the Sgih with a peroration on the peril of " infamous punishments," a favourite subject with him, which proves him to have been far in advance of his time. It only remains to add that there was no 8pth in our army again till 1779, when a regiment was raised, to be disbanded in 1783. Another arose in 1793 and exists to this day as the second battalion of the Princess Victoria's (Royal Irish Fusiliers), who share with the Seaforths the distinction of wearing two collar badges. THE EIGHTY-SEVENTH: OR KEITH'S HIGHLANDERS. 1/59: RAISED BY ROBERT MURRAY KEITH: DISBANDED 1763. As this regiment was partly raised in Aberdeenshire by a Kincardine man who was descended from a noble Aberdeenshire family, and who was afterwards of great service on the continent of Europe to Aberdeen- shire soldiers, one is justified in referring to it briefly. The 87th owed its origin to Robert Murray Keith (1730-95), son of Robert Keith (died 1774), the British Ambassador at Vienna, by his wife Agnes, daughter of Archibald Murray, of Blackbarony. He was descended from William (Keith), 2nd Earl Marischal (died 1526), whose third son, John, got the estate of Craig, and whose male line died out (at Hammersmith) in the person of the raiser of the 87th. Keith began his career in the Scots Brigade in Holland, where he must have heard much of his distant kinsman, Field Marshal James Keith, the inventor of Kriegsschachspiel, who fell at Hochkirch in 1758. As his native land was in danger, he came back to it to raise a corps in Scotland. Stewart gives little or nothing about the origin of the corps, which he treats in conjunction with the 88th, or Campbell's Highlanders ; and there are no muster rolls at the Public Record Office. It is true that the Notification Books there give the officers, but they give these officers and those finally allotted to Campbell's Highlanders as all having been gazetted to Keith's, and it is only when we come to the Succession Books, constructed at a later period, that we are able to see the particular regiment to which each officer was assigned. Keith's own appointment to be " major commandant of a corps of Highlanders to be forthwith formed," is dated August 20, 1759 (W.O. 2$ : 138, p. 44). On the following day, August 21, he wrote to Pitt as follows (Mrs. Gillespie Smith's Memoirs of Sir Robert Murray Keith i., 99) : I got access to Mr. Pitt, who inquired into my situation with a generous and friendly concern. He sd. he wished yr. family well, and 23 24 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. wd. serve " me whenever it was in his power. Soon after it was determined, though not without some opposition, to form a little corps of Highlanders and send them to Germany. Three hundred supernumer- aries of Lord J[ohn] Murray's corps [the 42nd] were ready at Newcastle. Mr. Pitt removed all obstacles, and gave me the sole command of them. This Corps is to be augmented to five companies and to belong entirely to me, with the rank of Major-Commandant I kissed hands to-day ; am to embark the three first companies, as soon as possible, for Embden. They are to be in Highland dress, and be called the Highland Volunteers. While the supernumeraries of the Black Watch formed the nucleus of the corps, two additional companies were formed by Keith, who recruited some of them in Aberdeenshire. A return of the regiment shows that out of five companies, two were at Aberdeen in April, 1760, commanded by Captain Murray (77 men), and Captain the Hon. William Boyd (54 men) ; other companies were in Glasgow, Ross-shire and Caithness (W.O. I : 614). The recruiting in Aberdeenshire was done by Captain Boyd, who like Keith had also an Aberdeenshire origin, which had resulted in his brother, Lord Boyd, succeeding (August 19, 1758) their great-aunt as I5th Earl of Enroll, though, of course, he did not succeed to the forfeited titles of his own father, the Earl of Kil- marnock, who had been beheaded in the Tower twelve years before. Boyd fell out with a citizen, Alexander Clerk, though he was exonerated by the following memorial from the magistrates to Lord George Beauclerk, May I, 1760 (W.O. 1 : 614): Understanding that complaint has been made to Lord Barrington, Secretary at War, upon the Hon. Captain William Boyd, of Major Murray Keith's Regiment, of his turbulent behaviour while recruiting in this city and neighbourhood ; and that Lord Barrington had advised your lordship thereof, We reckon ourselves in duty bound to certify your lordship that Captain Boyd during his residence here for some months past in the recruiting way has on every case behaved with the greatest civility and discretion as a gentleman. There were indeed mutual processes betwixt him and Alexander Clerk, one of our burghers, for a breach of the peace, as to which a precognition of the facts will probably be laid before your lordship. We shall therefore say nothing further about it ; only that it is now amicably settled. In justice to Captain Boyd's character, we could not omitt troubling your lordship with this letter, so that when you have occasion to correspond with Lord Barrington relative to Captain Boyd, you will be THE EIGHTY-SEVENTH: OR KEITH'S HIGHLANDERS. 25 so good as acquaint his lordship what is our real sentiments of [sic] Captain Boyd's character ; and we have the honour to be, with real regard, your lordshipp's most obedient and most humble servants John Duncan, Provost ; George Shand, James Jopp, Alexander Raitt, Baillies. As I have said, the Notification Books (W.O. 25 : 138 : pp. 44, 52, 66, 82, 87, 103, 135, 147, 164, 188) gazette all the officers to Keith's corps, which was first in the field (August, 1759), Major John Campbell of Dunoon, who commanded the 88th, not being gazetted till January i, 1760. It looks as if Keith's corps was so successful that it had to be split up into two commands. The Succession Books (W.O. 25 : 209 : pp. 176-178) disintegrate the original commissions into the two regiments as finally embodied. It is these I follow, retaining those officers in the 88th who were killed and wounded (detailed by Stewart, ii. 35), and the Aberdeenshire officers. COMMANDANT. Robert Murray Keith (from the 73rd), major-commandant, August 20, 1759; lieutenant-colonel com. May 10, 1760. MAJORS. Alexander Maclean (from captain, 88th), July 14, 1761 ; went back to the 88th. 88th Archibald MacNab (of Leighton's), December 11, 1759; wounded at Fellinghausen, July, 1761 ; succeeded April 26, 1762, by MacLean. Laird of Macnab? John Pollock (from captain, 72nd), February 19, 1760; killed at Camphen, October 15, 1760 (Stewart's Highlanders, ii. 28, 35). CAPTAINS. Hon. William Boyd (from the 52nd), January 3, 1760; joined the 1 1 4th, October 17, 1761. Born, 1728, he was the fourth son of the 4th Earl of Kilmarnock (beheaded 1746), and died unmarried, 1780 (Scots Peerage, v. 181). Archibald Campbell (from the 42nd), August 18, 1759, vice Roy; Major, December 20, 1760, vice Pollock; wounded at Camphen, October 15, 1760, and at Fellinghausen, July, 1761. Stewart (Highlanders, ii. 26, 27, 32) says he was " brother to Auchallader, whose classical learning and accomplishments attracted the notice of Lord Lyttleton." 88th Patrick Campbell, September 29, 1759; wounded at Brucher Miihl, September 21, 1762. Finlay Farquharson, October ii, 1759. D 26 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. John Gorry (from lieutenant, 72nd), October 27, 1759. John Gunn (from the 65th), January 6, 1760; died before June 26, 1760, when he was succeeded by Clunes. Alexander MacLean (from the 42nd), August 20, 1759; major, April 26, 1762, vice MacNab ; killed at Brucher Miihl, September 21, 1762. John Murray (lieutenant, 42nd), August 26, 1759; major, April 26, 1762. William Roy (from the 5ist), August 18, 1759; succeeded on the same day by Archibald Campbell. CAPTAIN-LIEUTENANTS. Patrick Davidson (from lieutenant, iO3rd), May 3, 1762. James Fraser, (from the 42nd), October 8, 1759; succeeded Dec- ember 20, 1760, by Gordon Clunes. IST LIEUTENANTS. Gordon Clunes (of the 42nd), August 26, 1759; captain-lieutenant, December 20, 1760; captain vice Gunn, June 26, 1762; wounded at Camphen, October 15, 1760. Patrick Drummond, September 27, 1759; resigned before August 4, 1762. Alexander Duff (from ensign, 69th), August 29, 1759; captain, vice Boyd, May 3, 1762. 88th James Farquharson, October n, 1759. Probably son of Gustavus Farquharson of the Allargue family, whose son, Lieutenant James, died at Nether Coulie, Monymusk, May 12, 1787, aged 58 (A. M. Mackintosh's Farquharson Genealogies, No. I, p. 38). Patrick Gall, September 26, 1759. James Grant, September II, 1760. Stewart says John [sic] Grant was killed at Fellinghausen, July, 1761. James Grant, April 29, 1762, vice Ross, deceased ; became adjutant. Archibald MacArthur (from the Dutch Service), August 27, 1759; adjutant, August 29; wounded at Fellinghausen, July, 1761. Captain, io5th, October 18, 1761. George MacGill, April 21, 1760. George Mackay (lieutenant, Sutherland Fencibles), November n, 1763, vice Robertson. Donald Mackenzie, January 27, 1760. George Mackenzie, October 26, 1759. Angus Mackintosh, February 19, 1760; wounded at Camphen, October 15, 1760; killed at Fellinghausen, July, 1761. William Mackintosh (from ensign, 42nd), August 28, 1759; captain, April 26, 1762. 88th James Mercer (of Home's), January 4, 1760. Son of an Aberdeenshire laird ; afterwards in the Northern Fencibles of 1778. THE EIGHTY-SEVENTH : OR KEITH'S HIGHLANDERS. 2/ Duncan Robertson, September 29, 1759; quartermaster, April 26, 1762, vice John Robertson. John Robertson, January 28, 1760; adjutant and quartermaster. George Ross, January 28, 1760; resigned by April 28, 1762. William Ross, October 27, 1759 ; killed at Fellinghausen, July, 1761. Robert Sutherland, sen., January 6, 1760. Robert Sutherland, jun., January 7, 1760. One of these Roberts transferred to the Sutherland Fencibles. George Vaughan, November 27, 1763, vice MacArthur. 2ND LIEUTENANTS. Volunteer Walter Barland, August 27, 1759; ist lieutenant, Dec- ember 20, 1760, vice Clunes ; wounded at Camphen, October 15, 1760; and at Brucher Miihl, September 21, 1762. Oliver Campbell, April 27, 1762. Ronald Campbell, July 15, 1761, vice Ogilvie, deceased. William Davidson, April 28, 1762. Volunteer Donald Fraser, December 20, 1760, vice Barland. Volunteer James Garioch, August 4, 1762. Patrick Handasyde, January 28, 1760 ; ist lieutenant, April 28, 1762, vice Ross, resigned. John Johnston, May 24, 1762, vice Cameron. Angus Mackintosh, February 19, 1760; 1st lieutenant, April 28, 1762, vice Ross, deceased. Alexander MacLeod, October 27, 1759; ist Lieutenant, April 22, 1762. Donald Macleod, July 16, 1761, vice Fraser, deceased. William Ogilvie, August 29, 1759; wounded at Warburg, July 31, 1760; dead by April 21, 1762. Ogilvie was appointed surgeon, August 29, 1759; probably volunteer the same. John Reid, April 26, 1762, vice Duncan Robertson. Duncan Robertson, September 29, 1759; ist lieutenant, April 26, 1762, vice William Mackintosh ; quartermaster, April 26, 1762, vice John Robertson. William Rose, January 3, 1760; 1st lieutenant, August 6, 1762, vice Drummond. William Ross, June 30, 1760. CHAPLAIN. James Milne, January 27, 1761. It is stated that Alexander MacGregor Murray, brother of Sir John Murray of Lanrick, joined the corps at the age of 14 as a volunteer. He commanded the Royal Clan Alpine Fencible Infantry, 1798-1802 (Military History of Perthshire, i., 181-4). 28 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. On August 27, 1759, Keith's corps was ordered to be called the " Highland Volunteers " (W.O. 4: 58 : p. 474), but it was usually called Keith's Highlanders, and officially the 87th. On April 10, 1760, Beauclerk sent a return of the strength of the corps, " which from their dispersed situation I have given an order for assembling such of them as are now employed in recruiting in Aberdeen " (W.O. i : 614). The report stated: Non Commissioned Officers In appearance fit for service, young and tall. Men Front ranks mostly young and good men. The center and rear ranks in general very good some few old men and boys not fit to be objected at this time when men are very difficult to get. The regimental pay for 802 men from January 24 to December 24, 1760, was 12,782 (W.O. 24: 356). On May 9, Keith's men sailed from Burntisland for Germany 154 and 1 8 horses on the "Desire," and 183 on the "Charming Polly" to join the army of Prince Ferdinand. Here they fought side by side with Campbell's Highlanders, the 88th, losing very heavily in the seven fierce battles waged between January 1760 and September 1762. The two regiments, which had seven officers and 109 rank and file killed, and 13 officers and 171 rank and file wounded, are treated together by Stewart (Highlanders, ii. 23-35)., They returned home in 1763, and Keith's was reduced at Perth. THE IOIST: OR JOHNSTONE'S HIGHLANDERS. 1760: COMPANY RAISED BY PETER GORDON: DISBANDED 1763. The recruiting for the Duke of Gordon's regiment and Keith's Highlanders was quickly followed in Aberdeenshire by the recruiting for the Independent Company which Peter Gordon of Knockespock was commissioned to raise. He was one of five gentlemen so commissioned, the others being Colin Graham of Drainie, James Cuthbert of Milncraigs, Ludovick Grant of the Rothiemurcus family, and Robert Campbell of Ballivolin. Peter Gordon was the son of George Gordon of Knockspock, by Jean Leith of the Harthill family, and younger brother of a distinguished officer of the Engineers, Colonel Harry Gordon (d. 1787), who succeeded to Knockespock. Peter who probably got his name from the Leiths entered the Army in 1755 as Ensign in the 54th Foot, and became a Lieutenant in the 5ist three years later. He served with his regiment in Germany, and was wounded at the battle of Minden, August i, 1759. On October 28, 1760, he was appointed Captain Commandant of an Independent Company, and set about recruiting in Aberdeenshire, having his headquarters in the town of Aberdeen. He was associated with two other officers Lieutenant James Campbell and Lieutenant Richardson McVeagh. The latter was related in a round about way with Gordon, for he was the nephew of Hugh McVeagh, the Huntly bleacher (who was the son of Dr. Ferdinand McVeagh, founder of the McVeaghs of Drewston, Co. Meath, described in Burke's Landed Gentry}, who had married Gordon's cousin, Margaret Lumsden of the Cushnie family. Richardson McVeagh afterwards died in Bengal. The companies were to consist of five sergeants and 105 privates each. Gordon was so successful that, according to a return of December 3, 1760 (W.O. 17: 792), 70 men had been enlisted "of which 40 [were] sent to ye Company," and 28 remained in recruiting quarters, while two had deserted. On January 26, 1761, Gordon advertised in the Aberdeen 29 30 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Journal " for four or five men to compleat " his Company. He offered " seven or eight guineas for very clever young men. He wants two sergeants and a corporal and will give two guineas to any person that brings him a recruit." One of the recruits, Alexander Duncan, born in Strathbogie, deserted, and was advertised for in the Journal of July 12, 1762. Gordon got command of the Company on March I, 1761. The various companies were marched to Perth, numbered the loist (McVeagh becoming Adjutant), and given to James Johnstone to command. Johnstone (1721-1797) succeeded to the baronetcy of Westerhall, Dumfries, in 1772, and was succeeded by his brother, William (1729-1805) the greatest American stock-holder of his day. The regiment, which twice prepared to go abroad and was counter- manded on each occasion, was reduced in August, 1763. Gordon subsequently served in the 63rd and 7Oth and went to Grenada, where he was killed in a duel by Mr. Proudfoot, Member of the House of Assembly, June 1768 (Gordons under Arms, No. 1,149). The regiment is eulogistically sketched by Stewart (Highlanders, ii., 40-43). There are, unhappily, no muster rolls at the Record Office. THE SEVENTY-FIRST : OR ERASER HIGHLANDERS. 1/75 : RAISED BY THE HON. SIMON FRASER : DISBANDED 1783. The 4th Duke of Gordon's second experiment in recruiting- was carried out in 1775, when he raised a company for the Eraser Highlanders. This was the second body of Eraser troops. The first (78th Regiment) was raised in 1757 by the "Hon." Simon Eraser, de jure I2th Lord Eraser of Lovat (1726-82), elder son of the notorious Lord Lovat. It greatly distinguished itself at Quebec, where it. lost 59 killed (including an unidentified lieutenant, Cosmo Gordon) and 156 wounded, and was reduced in 1763. Its history has been told by Stewart (Highlanders, 2nd ed., ii. 18-23), i n Notes and Queries II S. viii., 354-5, and by Edward Kelly in The Fighting Frasers of the 'Forty-Five and Quebec, 1908 (PP- v, 57)- The second regiment of Eraser Highlanders (the 7ist) was raised (two battalions) in 1775 by the same Simon, and disbanded 1783. Its history was elaborately done by Stewart (2nd ed., ii. 43-80). The mandate for the raising of the regiment was addressed " to our trusty and well-beloved Simon Eraser, Esq., Major-Generall of our Forces and Colonell of a highland regiment of foot to be forthwith raised " : George III. Whereas we have thought it fit to order a Highland Regiment of Foot of two battalions to be forthwith raised under your command ; each battalion to consist of ten companys of four sergeants, four corporalls, two drummers, and one hundred private men in each company, with two pipers to each of the grenadier companies, besides commissioned officers ; These are to authorise you by beat of drum or other ways to raise so many men in any county or part of our Kingdom of Great Britain, as shall be wanting to compleat the new Regiment to the above men- tioned numbers. And all Magistrates, Justices of the Peace, Constables and other, our civill officers, whom it may concern, are hereby required to 32 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. be assisting unto you in providing quarters, impressing carriages, and otherways as there shall be occasion. Given at our Court of St. James's, the 25th day of October, 1775, in the i6th year of our reign. By His Majestie's command. Barrington. The 4th Duke of Gordon became interested in it through his wife, Jane Maxwell, whom he had married in 1767, because her brother, Hamilton Maxwell, second son of Sir William Maxwell, 3rd bart. of Monreith, desired a commission and had therefore to raise a company. The task which the Duchess set herself was by no means easy, and she encountered many disappointments. Despite her husband's power as a great landlord, she met with small success among the Macphersons, to take but one class of tenant. The Rev. Robert Macpherson, Aberarder, writing on April 6, 1778, says that "no person appeared in the country for Captain Maxwell, to take upon him the horrid drudgery of drinking whysky and to act the recruiting sergeant among the people. Besides, the few remaining sparks of clanship had by that time been kindled into a flame, which with their sympathy for Clunie's misfortunes made them enlist with their chieftain in preference to all mankind. But the fit did not last long." Her Grace had also the mortification of encounter- ing rivals. Thus a certain David Mackay, who had been enlisted at Grantown market, was not attested, " being carried off by a son of Galloway's." A party spent three days looking for him (at a cost of 18). He finally listed with Ensign Grant. The formula of the recruit is illustrated in the following case : I, John Sharp, do make Oath that I am a Protestant and by trade a Taylor, and to the best of my knowledge and belief, was born in the parish of Mortlich in the County of Banff ; that I have no rupture, nor ever was troubled with fits ; that I am no ways disabled by lameness or otherwise, but have perfect use of my limbs ; and that I have voluntarily enlisted myself to serve His Majesty King George the Third as a private soldier in General Eraser's new highland regiment and in Captain Maxwell's Company ; and I have received all the enlisting money which I agreed for. As witness my hand, this 2gth day of Dec., 1775. John Sharp. The men were largely raised at markets, pipers and drummers being used to attract them. The most active recruiters were Sergeant Peter THE SEVENTY-FIRST: OR FRASER HIGHLANDERS. 33 Thomson ; David Tulloch, who got a shilling a day and a guinea a recruit ; J. Stewart ; and Peter Wilkie. The accounts, which with the muster roll are at Gordon Castle, contain such items as the following : By cash to a piper to Glass Mercatt 7 o To William Hamilton, piper, employed from Dec. 7, 1775, to Feb. 17, 1776, at a shilling a day . . . . 3 12 o For dirk to him ... . . . . . . o 10 6 For a kilt for him 059 To extraordinary drink at Elgin market ^. . . . 150 To the recruits to drink upon the Duchess's setting out for London, Feb. 12, 1776 I 10 o A sum of 55. 6d. was paid for " three boys coming from Keith to list with Her Grace, [but] not fit for service." Another curious item is i is. to " Miss Annie Gordon, doctress, for medicine to different recruits in Captain Maxwell's Co'y." The company was uniformed by Alexander Umphray, Fochabers, and by A. Forsyth and Son, the clothing including tartan, scarlet cloth, silver lace, gilt buttons. Some of the items included in Umphray's bill for the recruiting sergeants under date December 13, 1775, were as follows : To ii yards tartan 102 i blue bonnet . . , : . . . . o I 10 13 yards yellow ribbon . o 7 10 4 yards tartan for a philabeg . : 074 4 yards tartan for hose . .7 080 4 pairs garters . . . . . . 020 % dozen yellow buttons . , . . . . 006 12 yards tartan for a plaid o 13 o i pair shoe and knee buckles 020 In another account we find a sum of 11 2s. 8d. paid for tartan for the recruits. The raising of the company cost the Duchess from first to last the sum of 587 55. 3d., of which 366 igs. 8d. went in bounties (varying from 75. 6d. to 6 per man); and 129 33. 6d. in "subsistence" from November 12, 1775, to March 24, 1776. At last the quota was complete, 89 men in all, of whom 73 were 34 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. for her brother, Captain Maxwell, and 16 for Lieutenant Francis Skelly (formerly of the 25th Foot), the Duke's first cousin. Only two of the 89 men had red hair. Maxwell's men (67 strong) marched from Fochabers on February 26, 1776, under the command of Sergeant Peter Thomson, and two days later the Duchess received the Muster Roll. The Muster Roll of the Duchess's company preserved at Gordon Castle shows that the average height of the eighty men was 5 ft. 5.17416 inches. Name. Age. Height. Birthplace. Trade. Date. And Place of Enlistment. Anderson, David 19 5ft. 5 in. Kennethmont, Aberdeen Heckler Jan. 1, 1776 Fochabers Anderson, John 22 5ft. 4 in. Elgin, Moray Labourer Jan. so. 1776 Andrew, Alexander 16 5ft. 3 in. Watten, Caithness Dec. 2:., 1775 Brymer, John 23 5ft. 4\ in. Fochabers, Moray Jan. 10, 1776 Burnet, Robert .. 20 5ft. 4 in. Inverkeithny, Banff M Feb. 10, 1776 Huntly Cameron, Evan .. 25 5ft. 5 in. Kilmalie, Inverness w Dec. 20, 1775 Lochaber Davidson, George 20 5ft. 5 in. Fordyce, Banff Mason Jan. *, 1776 Fochabers Duncan, James .. 18 5ft. 101 in. Rothiemay, Banff Labourer Dec. 23, 1775 Duncan, William 27 5ft. 5f in. Drumblade, Aberdeen Tailor Jan. 0, 1776 Huntl'y Forbes, Robert .. 32 5ft. 6 in. Aberdeen City Tobacconist Feb. H, 1776 Banff Forsyth, William 19 5ft. 6J in. Keith, Banff Labourer Jan. 10, 1776 Huntly Fraser, Alexander 32 5ft. 5 in. Inverness City Butcher Nov 12, 1775 Fort William Fraser, James .. 16 5ft. 3J in. Rulcarlatie, Inverness Labourer Dec. 25, 1775 Fochabers Fraser, John 18 5ft. r. in. Rafford, Moray Shoemaker Feb. 10, 1T76 Huntly Qarrow, George .. 24 5ft. 4Jin. Keith, Moray u Feb. 3, 1776 Fcchabers Geddes, Alexander 19 5ft. 6 in. Drainie, Moray Labourer Dec 20, 1775 Geddes, James . . 22 5ft. 6J in. Drainie, Moray Dec. 20, 1775 Gilberton, John 27 5ft. 5iin. Olrig, Caithness (> Dec. 12, 1776 Gillan, Alexander 16 5ft. 3J in. Urquhart, Moray Dec. 13, 1775 Gilzean, James .. 16 5ft. 31 in. Fochabers, Moray Dec. 8, 1775 "Gordon, Alexander 18 5ft. 6 in. Duffus, Moray Dec. 13, 1775 Elgin Gordon, John 17 5ft. 4 in. Fochabers, Moray, Gardener Dec. 20, 1775 Foch bers Gow, James 17 5ft. 2f in. Kilmalie, Inverness Dec. 13, 1775 Grant, Absalom 17 5ft. 4 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Dec. 30, 1775 Grant, Alexander 16 5ft. -I. in. Duthell, Inverness Dec. 25, 1775 Gunn, John 20 5ft 41 in. Creach, Sutherland M Jan. 2, 1776 Gunn, John 32 5ft. 9Jin. Durness, Sutherland (f Feb. 14, 1776 Banff Hay, George .. . 20 5ft. 5 in. Gartly, Aberdeen (t Dec. Ifi, 1775 Foch bers Hay, John 18 5ft. 8f in. Keith, Banff Gardener Dec. 2f>. 1775 Herrygerry, James 17 5ft. 4iin. Culsalmond, Aberdeen Labourer Dec. 20, 1775 Holm, Donald .. 19 5ft. 5 in. Rosskeen, Ross . Dec. 20, 1775 Howie, James 20 5ft. 4 in. Birnie, Moray M Dec. 27, 1775 Ingram, William 27 5ft. 4J in. Gartly, Aberdeen M Dec. 11, 1775 Ingram, William 20 5ft. 7Jin. Bellie, Banff M Feb. 1, 1776 Innes, Robert 18 5ft 5 in. Keith, Banff ,, Jan. 8, 1776 Kennedy, John .. 20 5ft. 6 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Lint dresser Jan. 3, 1776 Kingsley, Robert 28 5ft. Ill in. Boston, Lincoln Wool comb'r Dec. 21, 1775 Fort William Logie, John 16 5ft. 5i in. Elgin, Elgin Labourer Dec. 13, 1775 Fochabers M'Coase, William 18 5ft. 4 in. Marnoch, Banff tt Jan. 8. 1776 Elgin M'Commachie, Patric 23 5ft 9 n. Mortlach, Banff Jf Jan. 8, 1776 Fochabers M'Donald, Donald 26 5ft 5 n. Apin, Argyle Tailor Jan. is. 1776 M M'Donald, William 19 5ft 6 n. Marnoch, Banff Labourer Feb. 21, 1776 Fort William M'Gregor, Patrick 19 5ft. 8 n. Cromdale, Inverness Dec 9, 1775 Banff M'Kay, Donald .. 17 5ft 3J n. Roggart, Sutherland ,, Dec 13, 1775 Fochabers M'Kay, Hugh .. 19 5ft 4 n. Kincairn, Ross Squarewri't. Dec 8, 1775 M M'Kay, Hugh .. 19 5ft 2Jin. Rosekeen, Ross Labourer Jan. 13, 1776 Gordon Castle M'Kay, Murdoch 39 5ft 6 in. Lewis, Ross Feb. 5, 1776 Fochabers M'Kay, Neill 19 5ft 31 in. Wick, Caithness ,, Dec. 13, 1775 t , tM'Kenzie, Kenneth 15 5ft. 71 in. Old Aberdeen, Aberdeen Fiddler Jan. 1, 1776 ,, Mackie, William 26 5ft 10i in. Marnoch, Banff Tailor Dec 12, 1775 (( JM'Lean, John .. 22 5ft 51 in. Lochbroom, Inverness Labourer Jan. 1C., 1776 " * Sent to 42nd as a deserter. t Deserted. t The Duchess sent his wife a boll of meal. THE SEVENTY-FIRST: OR FRASER HIGHLANDERS. 35 Name. Age. Height. Birthplace. Trade. Date. M'Pherson, Dougald . . 18 5ft. 4 in. Ardnamurchap, Argyle {M'Pherson, Dun[can] 24 5ft. 6iin. Ardclach, Nairn M'Pherson, Evan 17 5ft. 4 in. Alvey, Inverness M'Queen, Alexander 15 5ft. 4 in. Moye, Inverness Man, William 23 5ft. 6} m. Auch, Inverness Melville, Alexander 16 5ft. 4 in. Boharm, Banit' Morrison, James 17 5ft. 4 in. Deskford, Banff Nicholson, Robert 17 5ft. 6 in. Ardersier, Inverness Phimister, William 18 5ft. 44 in. St. Andrews, Moray gRaeburn, Thomas 19 5ft. 6Jin. Boyndie, Banff Rainie, Charles . . 17 5ft. 8 in. Knockando, Moray Reid, Alexander 23 5ft. 6| in. Bellie, Banff Robertson, John 25 5ft. 6 in. Deskford, Banff Rose, Hugh 20 5ft. 2iin. Kincairu, Rpss Rose, John 18 5ft. 6 in. Tarbart, RQSS Sage, James 18 5ft. 5 in. Auldearn, Nairn Sampson, Edward 38 5ft. 7 in. Long Setton, Lincoln Sinclair, Charles 17 5ft, 4J in. Latheron, Caithness Sinclair, Francis 18 5ft. 5 in. Latheron, Caithness Smith, Peter 18 5ft. 5J in. Inverallan ' Inverness Smith, Robert .. 18 5ft. 4 in. Cairnie, Aberdeen Stalker, James .. 18 5ft. 3 in. Raffart, Bforay Stephen, William 16 5ft. 5 in. Elgin, Elgin Stewart, Allan . . 19 5ft. 4i in. Cromdale, Moray Stewart, James 16 5ft. 3Jin. Kirkmichael, Banff Sutherland, James 19 5ft. 4iin. Elgin, Moray Sutherland, Neill 16 5ft. 4 in. Latheron, Caithness Syme, Alexander 29 5ft. 4 in. Grange, Banff Taylor, James .. 18 5ft. 3iin. Elgin, Moray Thomas, Alexander 18 5ft. 4 in. Fochabers, Moray Thomas, James .. 16 5ft. 3 in. Fochabers, Moray Thomson, Peter, Serg 35 5ft. 6|in. Dyke, Moray Torrie, James 17 5ft. 4 in. Duudureas, Moray Tulloch, David . . 25 aft. 8 in. Ardclach, Nairn tTulloch, John .. 20 5ft. 6iin. Ardclach, Nairn Tulloch, Robert .. 29 6ft. 4 in. Nairij, Nairn Watson, Donald 18 5ft. 4iin. Rosemarky, Ross Watt, John 40 5ft. 5 in. Kenjiethmont, Aberdeen Miner Jan. 13, 1776 Labourer Jan. 16, 1776 Tailor Dec. 22, 1775 Shoemaker Jan. 23, 1776 Labourer Jan. 26, 1776 Labourer Dec. 13, 1775 Heckler Dec. 13, 1775 Chapman Dec. 19, 1775 Merchant Dec. 21, 1775 Labourer Jan. 8, 1776 Weaver Dec. 9,1775 Labourer Feb. 12. 1776 Jan. 30. 1776 Jan. 24, 1776 M Jan. 8, 1776 Merchant Feb. 21, 1776 Brickmaker Jan. 10, 1776 Labourer Jan. 8, 1776 Feb. 14, 1776 Jan. 8, 1776 M Jan. 8,1776 M Dec. 18, 1775 Dec. 26, 1775 N Jan. 1,1776 tj Jan. 6, 1776 Dec. 13, 1775 Dec. 15, 1775 Dec. 29, 1775 Dec. 25, 1775 Dec. 20, 1775 Dec. 20, 1775 Dec. 7, 1775 Labourer Dec. 29, 1775 Squarewri't. Dec. 14, 1775 Labourer Jan. 18, 1776 Dec. 8,1775 Daylabourer Dec. 8, 1775 Labourer Feb. 6, 1776 And Place of Enlistment. Port William Fochabers Huntly Fochabers Elgin" Fochabers Huntly Banff Fochabers Elgin Fochabers Banff' Fochabers Elgin Fochabers Elgin" Fochabers Elgin" Fochabers Huntly Gordon Castle Fochabers Huntly The 7 ist was reduced in 1783, and Captain Maxwell afterwards entered the 74th Regiment. It is a curious fact that the 7 1 st now forms the first battalion of the Highland Light Infantry, while the 74th is the second battalion. It may have been Maxwell's connection with the 74th that led his brother-in-law, the 4th Duke of Gordon, to enlist six men for Captain Twysden's company of the 74th in 1787, as follows: Nov. 4. John Duncan, hosier, A ^- "&**. Speymouth . . 16 5 ft. 4 in. 19. William Mitchell . . 24 5 ft. 9 in. 20. Hugh Gordon . . 29 5 ft. 6 in. 20. John Bonniman 30 5 ft. 5'^ in. 27. Hugh Ellis . . . 17 5 ft 4X in. Dec. 3. Sergeant Alexander Sutherland ; not at- tested, but supposed absent . . . 30 5 ft. II in. Bounty. $ 5 t Deserted. t The Duche s sent his wife a boll of meal. Discharged having an ulcer on his thigh. 36 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. It only remains to add that Captain Maxwell died in India in 1794. He was buried in the compound of the Church of England, Oldtown, Cuddalore, where a stone commemorates him : Beneath this stone are deposited the remains of Hamilton Maxwell, son of Sir William Maxwell of Monreith, Bart., aide-de-camp to the King, and Lieut.-Col. of H.M.'s 74th Highland Regiment of Foot, who died, universally regretted by all who knew him, at the house of his friend, John Kenworthy, Esq., at Newtown, on June 8, 1794, in the 4Oth year of his age. In testimony of the affection they bore their gallant commander, and as a tribute to his talents and many virtues, this monu- ment is erected by the officers of the 74th. THE 8iST: OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 17/8 : RAISED BY THE HON. WILLIAM GORDON : DISBANDED 1783. The raising of the 8ist Regiment forms a highly illuminating study of some of the guiding principles which underlay the efforts of the Quality to aid the Nation. Behind the impulse of patriotism, there was nearly always the personal equation, which constantly made its appearance under the strain of terror created by the crisis in America The year 1777 was particularly critical, witnessing Burgoyne's capitulation at Saratoga, and the recognition of the States by our old enemy, France. Our answer was the raising of several regiments. In Scotland, the 73rd, 74th, 76th, 77th, 78th, 8ist, and Northern Fencibles came into being. Lord Macleod, who raised the 73rd, was the exiled son (1727-89) of an attainted peer, George, 3rd Earl of Cromartie (1702-66). Lord Macdonald put Macdonell of Lochgarry, the scion of a strong Jacobite group, in command of the 76th. Lord Macleod and Macdonell both had Gordons for mothers representing respectively the families of Invergordon and Glenbucket. The 78th was raised by the (restored) Earl of Seaforth, whose grandfather, the 5th Earl, had been attainted in 1716. The house of Murray, which raised the Atholl Highlanders, had given several sons to the Jacobite cause. A personal equation of a different kind influenced the Hon. William Gordon in raising the 8 1st. It was a family quarrel, the cause of which is obscure, but which was shared not only by Gordon and the Duke, but by a group of antagonistic supporters. For instance, Pryse Lockhart Gordon, a faithful follower of the Duke, wrote a " powerful satire " on the laird of Fyvie for his well-known Personal Memoirs published in 1 830. These pages, however, were suppressed, as we learn from the will (December 26, 1868) of Pryse's son, George Huntly Gordon, who bequeathed them to his son, Huntly Pryse Gordon. " Never was a more perfect prototype of Polonius than our Groom of the Bedchamber," wrote Pryse Gordon of William Gordon, " and, though the King some- times hit him rather hard, yet he was a great favourite." The Hon. William Gordon, who was eight years the Duke's senior, and son of the 2nd Earl of Aberdeen, was at once the cousin and the 37 38 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. step-uncle of the Duke of Gordon, being the son of the Duke's aunt, and half-brother of his Grace's mother. Such a mixture of relationship was sure to give trouble. Nor did it end with the rivalry in recruiting in 1777-8 ; it began with the Duke's second brother, Lord William, in 1777, and extended to the Duke's youngest brother, Lord George, the Rioter, whom the Hon. William threatened in the House of Commons (June 2, 1780) to transfix with his sword an incident repeated almost word for word in Barnaby Rudge. The Hon. William, unlike some of the regiment-raisers, had no Jacobite kink to straighten out, for the Gordons of Haddo had dis- countenanced the Jacobite movement. It is said that, as a little boy of ten, he had been taken by his mother to see the Duke of Cumberland on the march to Culloden. His Royal Highness assured the lady (who was the sister of the Jacobite Lord Lewie Gordon) that he would live to see the boy " a good Hanoverian " ; and he did, for William entered the iith Dragoons as a cornet in 1756. He then became a captain in the i6th Light Dragoons in 1759; major in the 84th Foot in 1760; and in 1762 he became lieutenant-colonel of the iO5th Foot, which was disbanded in the following year, leaving him idle and on half pay. He occupied his leisure by entering politics, representing Woodstock in 1767, and Heytesbury in 1774, and in 1775 he became one of the Grooms of the Bedchamber of George III, a pro-Hanoverian attachment which even Cumberland, his Majesty's uncle, may not have foreseen. Gordon therefore approached the national crisis of 1777 from the standpoint of the soldier, the politician, and the courtier ; and he saw an opportunity of assisting to solve it as a territorial magnate, for he was laird of Fyvie, and could raise a regiment of his own. The Duke of Gordon says that William got the regiment through his interest. It is not quite clear what this means, for one would have thought that William was as near the ear of the King as the Duke. However that may be, the Duke thought that Gordon should do some- thing for his brother, Lord William Gordon, who had given the family a great deal of trouble. Having bolted in 1769 with Lady Sarah Bunbury and repented in a sensational way by a pilgrimage to Rome, Lord William had decided to settle down, and his family thought a bit of soldiering would be a good way of completing his expiation. In the first instance, the Duke applied to Lord North for a billet for Lord THE EIGHTY-FIRST: OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 39 William worth a thousand a year, a transaction which is mysteriously dealt with in a pamphlet by Junius entitled A Serious Letter to the Public on the late transactidns between Lord North and the Duke of Gordon, in which it is noted that His Grace was keen on getting a com- mission in the army for Lord William. The Political Magazine suggests (June, 1780) that the Minister offered the post, "if Lord George [Gordon] would vacate his seat for Luggershall in Wilts." a proposal which Lord George afterwards characterised in the Commons (April 13, 1778) as "villainous," demanding at the same time that North should call his " butchers and ravagers from the colonies." As Colonel Gordon was in a position at Court, the Duke then seems to have approached him in reference to the raising of Fencibles and to getting a commission for Lord William, but it miscarried, for North, writing on December 12, 1777, to his devoted supporter, Lord George Germain, afterwards Lord Sackville, who has been credited with the authorship of " Junius," says (Stop ford Sackville Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., Qth report, part iii. p. 88) : " The Duke of Gordon's and Lord William's letters are intended to be sent to your Lordship, and will show you that Colonel [the Hon. William] Gordon's plan is likely to fail, and I much question whether the King will consent to the Duke of Gordon's proposal in the extent he desires : but, perhaps, if Lord William is put at the head of the corps, his Grace will willingly consent to the necessary restrictions." The King did not consent Not only so, but the Hon. William stepped into the breach. The Duke was furious, and on New Year's day, 1778, he wrote from London, to James Ross, his factotum at Gordon Castle, a letter which breathed anything but the good-will-to-men spirit of the season. The letter, which is preserved at Gordon Castle, runs : I have been hurried most amazingly since I came here about this affair of the Regiment. The King having absolutely refused to give Lord William Gordon the rank, Fyvie was appointed after having assured Lord George Germaine that he was to have my interest and support and indeed he was sure of it, had he behaved properly but he had named most of his officers and had wrote to them before he was sure whether he or Lord William was to corrimand the battalion, and by that means made it impossible, if Lord William had got the command, to have changed one of Fyvie's nomination without making them enemies to him and friends to Fyvie ; and you will see that he had an eye to Aberdeenshire in the list he has named. To this hour he has never had the civility to offer me the appointment of one officer, tho' Lord Adam 40 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. [Gordon] has named three and George Ross has named your namesake and his for a Major, who was tried lately at Inverness. Fyvie passed me on the road, but we did not meet. When I came here, I went to the Ministry, all of whom told me there was no intention of putting a slight upon the Duke of Gordon and that it was certainly more desirable for them to treat with the head of the family than any branch of it ; that, as Colonel Gordon had assured them of my support, they thought he would certainly consult me as to the proper officers ; that they gave him the Regiment upon the faith of it through my interest ; and that he would not have been named otherwise. This is the language both Lord George Germaine and Lord North held to me. The former told me if he had met me in the streets he would have asked me how my Regiment was going on ; and the latter said he thought Colonel Gordon was gone to Scotland to consult me as to the nomination of the officers. I was advised by Lord North to tell my story to His Majesty, which I did yesterday. I also shewed him Col. Gordon's letter and the list he sent me of officers he had wrote, even before he had got the Regiment His Majesty and Ministers are much displeased. Lord George Germaine told me he had wrote to Colonel Gordon last night, in which he said that he was commanded by His Majesty to mark his disapprobation of Colonel Gordon's conduct. These are the words you are at liberty to tell all my friends. The affair ends here for the present. What is to be done after Colonel Gordon's answer comes I don't know. I entreat you will tell the whole story and write it to all my friends as soon as possible. Let me know what every body says and your opinion as to raising men. I forgot to tell you that when Sandy Gordon [the future Lord Rockville] delivered me Fyvie's letter at Edinburgh with the list of officers, I was very angry and said I was surprised at his brother's conduct in having got a regiment through my interest and not giving me the nomination of one officer. He answered in a huff : " Well, by God, we can raise it without you ! " This was a fine speech from a man who I have been plagueing all the Ministers these two or three years to get a gown for. From this letter you may judge of my feelings and act as to recruit- ing as your own sense will direct you. Pray write me fully what Colonel Gordon's friends give out with regard to his having got the Battalion and why he did not give me the offer of a single commission. Lord George Germain, to whom the Duke also wrote, replied next day, January 2, from Pall Mall (Gordon Castle Papers) : My Lord, Your Grace asked me yesterday whether His Majesty had said anything relating to the conduct of Colonel Gordon in con- sequence of your audience on Wednesday. THE EIGHTY-FIRST: OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 41 I told your Grace that I had been directed by the King to write Col. Gordon and to acquaint him that His Majesty was dissatisfied with the little attention which he had shewn to your Grace in not applying to you for your assistance previous to his appointment, and in not leaving the nomination of any Officers of your Grace's in a Battalion which His Majesty understood was to be raised with your approbation and under your Grace's influence, and it was upon that supposition he was appointed Colonel. This is what I wrote by the King's order. I gave him my opinion upon the matter very fairly and very clearly, and if he follows my advice nothing will be omitted on his part to give your Grace every satisfaction you could desire. I shewed the King the whole of my letter, which he was pleased to approve, and permitted me to inform your Grace that I had written by His Majesty's order in the manner I have had the honour of stating to you. Whatever the explanation of Colonel Gordon's tactics, the Duke was put on his mettle, and set about raising a regiment of his own, for on January 14 he attended a levee at St. James's Palace, and had a long conference with the King on the subject of the Northern Fencibles. The difficulty of raising one regiment in a district was severe enough, but to raise two was almost an impossibility. Nothing could give a clearer idea of the accumulated difficulties of the position than a memorial of 1778, which stated that: A proprietor of a considerable land estate in Scotland, altho' desirous to promote the King's Levys when directed to the proper objects and conducted fairly without violence or oppression, finds it necessary to protect his people from the rapacity of adventurers now recruiting ; many of whose commissions depending upon the number of men they can entangle, the greatest abuses are frequently committed, and which may grow to an intolerable excess if not properly checked. It was bad enough when an " adventurer " swooped down with his head full of heroics and his pocket full of money in the shape of extra- vagant bounties ; it was worse when one's own neighbour and relative set up rival schemes and poached on one's own preserves. That was precisely what Colonel Gordon did. He carried war into the enemy's country by sending out recruiting parties into the Duke's special territories. To checkmate this bold move, the Duke sent a warning to all his tenants, and on January 30 it was reiterated with emphasis by his factor, Alexander Milne, Braehead. The sound advice of Charles F 42 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Gordon of ^Braid, the lawyer in Edinburgh, was also asked, for on February 28 he wrote to the Duke's factotum, James Ross : I am aware of the difficulty of protecting the Duke's highland territory, but the proper means must, no doubt, be used ; and the residents should exert themselves to discourage adventurers. I early foresaw and suggested that the Duke's country, being so extensive, would be in greater danger of distress from his having no battalion to raise than if he had patronised a corps, because in that case he would have had the arrangement and distribution of the officers to his mind, who would have directed their operations under his authority to the proper objects for His Majesty's service ; and in that case adventurers would have fled elsewhere. Indeed, I never doubted but this would have happened to our wish, but there was a misunderstanding in the outset of Col. Gordon's corps, which certainly interfered. The county took sides in the quarrel, the non-Gordon lairds rallying to the laird of Fyvie, not because they cared so much for him, but they had the chance of wiping off some old scores with the head of the house. They could not have done anything more irritating to his Grace than to invade the town of Huntly, which as the cradle of the Gordons in the north, was regarded by his Grace as sanctuary. William Bell, Coclarachie, reporting progress to Ross on January 25, gives a vivid picture of the position (Gordon Castle Papers)-- Lady and Captain Leith, Leithhall, and the two Captains Leith of Bucharn were in Huntly [on January 22]. Leithhall and Alexander Leith and all the recruits they could muster made a grand procession thro' the town, and had punch on the streets. They beat up, but I did not come so near them as to know what they offered ; but a little before that his sergeant offered 20 guineas. ... I was told [Gordon of] Wardhouse came to them that day. At night there was another proces- sion thro' the town with flambearers, and music, etc. Leithhall arrived at Huntly before the post on Thursday and brought the news that was in the papers about the Duke's conference. They were in Huntly all Friday and got some youngsters there. I have not learned who it was, but some or other made an excursion into the streets and pulled down all the signs in the town except one. Leithhall was angry at it. There has been a bonfire in the Square ; I was told it was the boys that made it. Yesterday [January 24] the three Captain Leiths and Wardhouse set out for Turriff. Leithhall has now enlisted four men in Huntly. From the parade that has been made and the temptation of gold, I am surprised they are not more. Lady Leithhall told us that the difference between the Duke and THE EIGHTY-FIRST: OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 43 Colonel Gordon was amicably made up. It must be from that supposition that they have made such a parade at Huntly. They all knew how averse the Duke was to any recruiting party being at Huntly, etc., and it was never yet said that the Duke would take no concern in recruiting men. Therefore they must know of some channel or other thro' which they can satisfie his Grace, or they do not mind whether he may be pleased or not. It is true Leithhall recruits fairly and honourably. He says he will have none but volunteers. I forgot to tell you they recruited a female in men's clothes at Drumblade. She was kept a day or two and dismist. Bell reports further progress to Ross a few weeks later. Writing on February 13, he expresses the fervent wish that the Leith recruiting party would leave Huntly. " The parades they make and the great bounty given draw many to them. I do not know where it is to end. I wish the Duke's mind were known, and how far his Grace disapproves of the conduct of some of his tenants that have received so many favours from him." Two days later (February 15), he writes once again (Gordon Castle Papers] : There was never men so earnest as the Leiths at Huntly. On Friday night [Feb. 1 3] they made an appearance on the street. Merchant Deason and his son Cosmo, with others, were then both much intoxicated, as I am told. The merchant offered 25 guineas to any man that would enlist, and asked his son if he had any money. He said he had, and would give the same terms, but, alas ! Mr. Deason's flow of spirits soon got a checke. That very night one of his sons, a very fine young man, was drowned in Isla, crossing that river from Nether Mills to go home. There was a flood in the river. Some say he was intoxicated with liquor ; others that he was not. The Huntly people are in great spirits on the notice the Duke has taken of their offer to raise a company. They hardly expected it. They might as well have proposed to raise a battalion. They could never have performed either. The conduct of Captain Leith, Bucharn, and Charles Leith is very unaccountable. Even supposing they act conform to law, they know it must be disagreeable to the Duke. What many bystanders think the best construction that can be put upon it is that the Duke is not serious. Precisely the same state of matters was found in other parts of the Duke's dominions, to the heads of which his factor, Alexander Milne, Braehead, had sent a letter (on January 30), " repeating the Duke's order anent preserving and protecting his men from being imposed upon by 44 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. any recruiting party." A typical case in Ruthven is cited by Charles Stewart, Drumin, whose own servant, Davidson, was caught : On the 22nd ult. (January), I sent Davidson to a burial from Inver- urie, when [Rev.] Mr. Farqrson made up to him and recommended a military life in the strongest terms, and he says promised to procure him a halbert, which he agreed to accept of ; then carried Davidson with him from the churchyard to the Manse, and from that to Ruthven. Glenlivet was more fortunate, as William Gordon, Minmore, showed in a letter dated February 2 (Gordon Castle Papers) : There has none as yet appeared in Glenlivet in that character [of recruiter], and the country is at present quite peaceable, and the people following their ordinary and respective occupations unmolested : which is a particular happiness, considering how some of our neighbours are used at present. I understand the Strathaven people are not so very quiet. Doctor Farquharson, now Lieutenant, and his namesake the parson has enlisted some people in that country. ... In order to prevent giving recruiting parties any handle for giving trouble, I have caused my servants and advised my neighbours to lay aside everything peculiar to the highland garb. Tho' I have a Beating Order, I am determined not to accept of a single man belonging to his Grace the Duke of Gordon, nor any in his land, but will do all in my power to protect them from oyrs. ... I am still of opinion that this country will be as safe as any in Scotland ; nor can I believe that any will attempt to contradict his Grace's order, but will do to the outermost of their power to suppress recruiting ; and indeed I hope there will be but little to do, as I know not a country has more aversion to a military life. Milne, the factor, himself thought " there's little to be feared from any, except it bees for Mr. Farquarson, minister of Strathaven, or Doctor Farquarson ; which, I hope, the country will discourage as much as possible." As a matter of fact, much more forceful tactics were adopted by the Leiths, as the difficulties of recruiting increased. An extraordinary story is told by James Ross in a letter to his brother dated March 4, in which John Wright, whom he had dismissed from the position of Baron Baillie Depute at Huntly, figures unpleasingly (Gordon Castle Papers) : A constable and party from Old- Meldrum came to Huntly with a warrant from Mr. Urquhart of Meldrum, as a Justice of Peace of the County, to apprehend and carry before him a lad accused of forgery. They accordingly did apprehend him, and were setting off for Old THE EIGHTY-FIRST : OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 45 Meldrum, but were attacked in broad daylight in the publick street of Huntly by Leithhall's serjeant and a posse of recruits, who after a pretty smart struggle, overpowered and deforced the constable and party, and carried off the prisoner. He soon agreed to enlist with Leithhall, and Baillie Wright, tho' the only man in the burgh who pretended to any civil authority, instead of taking measures to support the laws of the country and some degree of order and police in the place, went to a publick house, in obedience to a call from the serjeant, sat down and drank with him and his posse ; and, in a short time after the riot had happened, attested the prisoner as a recruit for Leithhall. ... I supposed that this serjeant and recruits who were guilty of so publick and gross a violation of the law of the country or some such others might have laid hands upon any inoffensive countrymen who came to Huntly about their private affairs, forced them into an ale-house and sent for Baillie Wright ; and I consider in how pitiable a situation an ignorant simple country fellow, averse to a military life, would be when impannelled before such a judge, surrounded by such a posse. Disputes between the recruiting parties of the rival regiments were of frequent occurrence. One case which gave a good deal of trouble was that of John Couper, a Knockespock man, whose story is set forth in a memorial signed by Ensign John Gordon (Coynachie) of the Northern Fencibles (Gordon Castle Papers}: Upon Tuesday [June] at a market in Clett, John Couper was enlisted as a soldier by Ensign John Gordon, of the Duke of Gordon's ffencibles. About an hour after Couper's enlisting, one Innes, a Serjeant of a recruiting party belonging to Captain Leith of the 8 1st, interfered with him, said he was a ffool for engaging with the ffencibles ; it would be much better for him to enlist with his Captain, who would pay the smart money to Mr. Gordon, give him 15 guineas and his obligation for a halbert. However, at this time Couper resisted the temptation and went home perfectly satisfied with his bargain with Ensign Gordon. When the market was over, Serjeant Innes ffollowed Couper to Knockespick, persuaded him to go to a publick house in the neighbourhood, and there prevailed on him to go immediately to Mr. Gordon's quarters and offer the smart money. And accordingly that instant Couper set out and came to Mr. Gordon's bedside [in the house of George Gordon, Rhynie] with two witnesses, said he had repented, left a twenty shillings note upon a table and went off. Next forenoon (Wednesday) Innes went and informed his Captain of the transaction with Couper. He approved of his Serjeant's conduct, upon ffriday had Couper brought before him, and bargained with him very much on the same terms which his Serjeant offered when he prevailed on Couper to offer the smart money to Mr. Gordon. 46 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. A court of inquiry was held in Edinburgh, when it was reported (October 13) that Gordon had asked Leith's pardon for any improper expressions he may have made in his memorial, on the ground that they were solely owing to his inexperience in the service. Leith declared him- self satisfied, but the court could not proceed further, as Gordon's witnesses were in the north and could not be brought up until after the harvest. Meantime the unfortunate Couper was left at Edinburgh till the claim to him could be decided. Another market case which gave much trouble was that of John Ryver, who had been enlisted by the Leiths at Drumblade, Ryver writing several letters of protest to the laird of Freefield and Morison of Bognie. Nothing could show the fierceness of the competition for recruits better than the case of William Stephens, a weaver in Huntly, who had a great grievance against the Leiths. Born in Aberdeenshire, he had served his apprenticeship as a bleacher with Hugh M'Veagh in Huntly. In 1761 he listed in the 66th Foot, and served till 1774, when he got a three months' furlough to look out for two recruits in lieu of his dis- charge. During this furlough, Alexander Leith of Freefield, who was an ensign in the 66th, promised to get his discharge, if Stephens would become his servant in the regiment, an arrange- ment which lasted till 1777. Having by this time married, Stephens again sought his discharge on the two-recruit basis. He got his men, but found that one of them was claimed as a deserter by the nth Foot. He was requested to find another man or pay five guineas, and he was allowed to go, his actual discharge being deferred until he had found another man. So he settled down at Huntly in August, 1777, with his wife and child. Soon after, Leith looked him up, and promised to get the final discharge if Stephens would help the recruiting for Colonel Gordon's regiment. He actually found ten men, and ultimately went to Aberdeen, " to assist for a little in cloathing and instructing them," staying till March 2, 1778. When he wanted to return to his wife, Leith put him under arrest, reporting him as a " serjeant in the 73rd regiment." Stephens complained to the Aberdeen magistrates that he had never been enlisted in the 73rd. Leith thereupon charged him as a deserter from the 66th. Of course he had no discharge, and so he was cast into prison. As a matter of fact, Leith had got a blank discharge, which he had filled in with the THE EIGHTY-FIRST: OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 47 condition that Stephens should enter Colonel Gordon's regiment. Stephens was sent off on April 16 as a prisoner with Colonel Gordon's regiment, and his wife applied in a piteous letter to James Ross at Fochabers, promising that if her husband were set free he would assist in recruiting for the Duke's own regiment. What is to be thought of the tactics of sitting outside a jail door waiting for a prisoner to be handed over ? Yet this was done apparently, for Lieutenant Finlason, writing to Ross on August 6, 1/78, says: I beg you will inform the Duke that one of the people concerned in the late meal riot in the Mearns and now sentenced to some [four] months' imprisonment and afterwards to be banished has been enlisted for me. I am inform'd he would make a good soldier, could he be liberated and the punishment remitted. An officer of Fyvie's corps sollicited strongly that I would give up my claim to him, as in that case he had reason to say from a conversation he had with the Sheriff- Substitute of the county that the punishment would be remitted upon his being forced into a marching regiment. They deemed it none, his going into the Fencibles. This request I absolutely refused. Of course there may have been quite another side to this view of the 8 ist Regiment, for I have had access only to the Duke's own papers. Even these contain a memorial from Lieutenant Charles Grant of the 8 ist, who, writing to General Skene (October 12), maintained that he had enlisted a tailor named Robert Grant on February 10. The man deserted in March, and was enlisted by the Duke. Lieutenant Grant requested his Grace to surrender him, but the Duke replied that he fell under the proclamation pardoning deserters who returned to their duty, and declined to deliver him up. In spite of these exciting and exasperating attempts at recruiting in Aberdeenshire, the regiment had anything but a local look so far as the surnames of the privates are concerned. In the absence of any such muster rolls as are preserved at Gordon Castle, it is impossible to indicate the origins of the men, for the muster rolls at the Record Office (W.O. 12; 8,250, 8,251) simply add "B" for British and "I" for Irish. It is notable that out of the 1,120 non-commissioned officers and men, only six bore the name of Gordon Charles Gordon, corporal in the Hon. John Gordon's company; Thomas Gordon, sergeant in Lord Strathaven's, and Hugh, a private in John Ferguson's, while Peter Gordon, the future laird of Abergeldie, brought three with him TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. William, senior and junior, and James, all privates. The only company in which the captain had (to judge from nomenclature) a sort of clan following was that of the major, Alexander Ross, who brought 33 men named Ross (besides two officers), and 27 " Macs." Twenty-six of the Ross privates remained to the very last of the regiment. Stewart of Garth proudly cites the case of Ross, and apparently bases on it the statement that about 650 of the regiment were " from the mountains." He even says that as an inducement to the young men to enter more readily, the Highland garb, " to which they were then extremely partial, although prohibited by severe penalties," was to be the regimental uniform. I have found no official documents bearing on the uniform. Colonel Gordon himself might have been expected to have been able to enlist a large local following, but this was not so, as a glance at the names of the privates in his company in June, 1778, serves to show (the I stands for Irish) : Alerton, William (I). Alexander, Andrew. John. Anderson, Alexander. George. Arnot, Alexander. Bane, Archibald. Bell, Archibald. Bengo, Ralph. Bennet, Nicholas. Bruce, John. Campbell, James (I). Clinton, Michael (I). Corrigen, Patrick (I). Crane, Edward (I). Donald, Nathaniel. Dowall, Richard. Stephen. Eason, John. Edward, Alexander. Fawns, James. Ferly, Dennis (I). Finlayson, Alexander. Fitzsimmons, William (I). Fordyce, George. Glen, John. Gordon, Alexander. John. Grahame, Alexander. Gray, Andrew. Grieve, Andrew. Hardy, James. Hutcheon, Andrew. Irvine, Alexander. Johnston, James. . John. Livingstone, Daniel. Lyon, Charles. Macdonald, Hugh. John. Ronald. Macgill, John. Samuel. Mackenzie, Luke. McKimmie, Jarnes. McLean, Donald. McPetrie, James. McPherson, Alexander. Millar, John. Milne, David. Minton, Patrick (I). Mitchell, John. More, Alexander. Morrison, John. Murray, John. Neish, James. Norvall, Alexander. O'Hara, Dennis (I). Paterson, John. Rea, James (I). Reed, James. Renny, Robert. Robertson, Donald. Duncan. Ross, Donald. James. John. Rugan, Barnabas (I). Scott, John. Skene, John. Shovelbright, Robert. Stapleton, Isaac. Stedman, William. Stewart, Daniel. James. John, senr. ,, John, junr. Strachan, James. Strange, George. John. Thomson, James. Tindal, Evan. Trevor, Michael (I). Tyrie, James. Ward, James. Webster, Alexander. Wilson, Robert. Wishart, John. Wright, Alexander. THE EIGHTY-FIRST: OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 49 Another feature of the corps was the large number of professional soldiers who got commissions (W.O. 25; 148, p. 150; W.O. 25; 116, p. 125; W.O. 211 ; W.O. 212). On August 2, 1778, Colonel Gordon wrote from Kinsale to the Secretary of War that there was discontent among the officers because they did not get rank from the date of their beating orders (W.O. I : 997). The officers throughout the career of the regiment were : COLONEL, The Hon. William Gordon, December 19, 1777. As noted, he had between the years 1756 and 1763 held commissions in the nth and i6th Dragoons, and in the 84th and iO5th Foot. After the reduction of the 8 1st, he held commissions in the 6oth, 7th, 7ist and 2ist Foot in turn. He died unmarried at Maryculter, May 25, 1816, aged 81 (Gordons under Arms, No. 1,397). LIEUTENANT-COLONELS. Robert Farquhar, November 9, 1778, vice Gordon ; previously in the 32nd Foot; retired before December 16, 1782. The Hon. John Gordon, December 19, 1777. Between 1746 and 1757 he held commissions in the 1st, 62nd (recruiting for the latter in 1757, 76 men), and 52nd Foot. A son of the 3rd Earl of Aboyne, he was born in 1728 and died in 1778 (Gordons under Arms, No. 880). John Hamilton (from Major, 2ist), April 4, 1783, vice Macdonald. MAJORS. John Dickson, March 4, 1782, vice Ross; previously major, 68th. John Macdonald, December 28, 1777 ; previously captain, 26th Foot ; joined iO3rd before March 4, 1782. Stephens Howe, April 22, 1783, vice Leith ; previously captain, 96th. Alexander Ross, December 19, 1777; previously captain, 7ist. CAPTAINS. John Ferguson, December 19, 1777; previously in the 3rd Foot; retired by November 23, 1782. Adam Gordon, December 21, 1777; previously in the 66th Foot. Son of the 8th Viscount of Kerimure, he formed an interesting link between the Gordons of the south and the Gordons of the north. He became Collector of Customs at Port Patrick, where he died, 1806. (Gordons under Arms, No. 97.) George (Gordon), Lord Strathaven, December 26, 1777; formerly of the 1st Foot Guards; joined the 9th Dragoons by April 13, 1782. Born 1761, he was the son of the 4th Earl of Aboyne, and succeeded to the Marquisate of Huntly. He commanded the Aberdeenshire Militia from 1798 till his death in 1853 (Gordons under Arms, No. 518). G 50 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Peter Gordon, December 20, 1777 ; previously in the ii4th and I3th Foot; retired before April 30, 1781. Born 1751, he was laird of Aber- geldie, and died 1819 (Gordons under Arms, No. 1,150). James Horn, December 25, 1777; formerly of the I4th Foot; apparently of the Westhall family. Alexander Leith, December 22, 1777; late of the 66th Foot. Laird of Leithhall and Rannes ; assumed the additional name of Hay, 1789; raised iO9th Foot, 1794; general, 1813; died 1838. Father of Sir Andrew Leith Hay (1785-1862). John Macdonald, December 28, 1777; formerly of 26th Foot; Lieutenant-Colonel, December 16, 1782, vice Farquhar. George Moncrieff, December 23, 1777. Lady Tullibardine says he was a son of Major-General MoncriefT of Myres and Reedie. He entered the loth Foot, November 23, 1773; became captain, nth Foot, Dec- ember 20, 1786; and Lieutenant-Colonel, 9Oth Foot, November 10, 1794. He was the father of General George Moncrieff of the Scots Fusilier Guards, who, in turn, was the father of Lieutenant-General George Moncrieff of the same regiment (Notes from the Duke of Atholl). CAPTAIN-LIEUTENANT. William Duncan, December 24, 1777; late 66th Foot; captain, April 13, 1782, vice Lord Strathaven. LIEUTENANTS. Charles Baillie, December 23, 1777; joined Independent Company before December 18, 1782. Thomas Bell (from Cornet, I2th Dragoons), June 29, 1782, vice Campbell. F. G. Bowins (from Lieutenant, iO3rd), vice Ross, jun., December 18, 1782. William Burnett (from Ensign, 26th), December 10, 1781, vice Garden, captain. Archibald Campbell, December 27, 1777 ; joined Independent Com- pany before June 29, 1782. Dunbar Douglas, January 8, 1778. Henry Dunn, December 22, 1777; joined Independent Company before August 4, 1781. Nicoll Ewing, December 29, 1777. Gregor Farquharson, January 3, 1778 ; joined Independent Company before December 18, 1782. Robert Garden, December 20, 1777; joined Independent Company before December 10, 1781. Charles Grant, January 5, 1778. John Hay, January i, 1778 ; died before July 25, 1778. THE EIGHTY-FIRST: OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 5! William Johnston, December 31, 17/7 ; joined the goth before June 29, 1780. Alexander Keith, December 21, 1777 ; Captain-Lieutenant, April 13, 1782. William Kelso, December 28, 1777 ; joined the g8th before June 29, 1780. Arthur McLachlan, December 25, 1777. Lachlan McLean, January 7, 1778. William McLeod, January 6, 1778. William Newall, December 23, 1777; retired by January 14, 1783. Walter Ridley (from Ensign, 5ist), December 18, 1782, vice Farquharson. Sir Alexander Sinclair, January 4, 1778 ; resigned before March 8, 1780. Third baronet of Dunbeath ; d.s.p. on the passage from Jamaica to Malaga, 1786; succeeded by his great-uncle, Benjamin Sinclair. George Skene, December 19, 1777 ; promoted captain vice P. Gordon, April 30, 1781. Laird of Skene ; died unmarried, April 28, 1825 (Family of Skene, 45-7). Alexander Taylor, December 26, 1777. Andrew Wellwood, December 10, 1781, vice Ryan. ENSIGNS. James Abernethy, December 25, 1777; became lieutenant, g2nd. David Andrew, February 11, 1783, vice Stewart, lieutenant. John Braid, April 2, 1783. Donald Cameron, December 22, 1777; joined 95th before June 29, 1780. Archibald Campbell, March 26, 1783, vice John Campbell. John Campbell, March 25, 1783, vice Johnstone ; retired same or next day. James Church, September 8, 1780, vice Abernethy. William Duncan, August 12, 1779, vice Stewart; lieutenant, August 2, 1781, vice Dunn. Cecil Edgworth, June 29, 1780. James Farquharson, March 25, 1783, vice Johnston. James Fortescue, September 8, 1780, vice Gordon ; lieutenant, Dec- ember 1 8, 1782, vice McLean. Thomas Francis, April 23, 1783, vice Montresor. John Gordon, December 23, 1777; lieutenant, June 29, 1780, vice Kelso; lieutenant, June 29, h.p. 1783; entered Perthshire Volunteer Brigade, 1803; residing at Corstoun, 1841 (Gordons under Arms, No. 903). Donald Grant, June 29, 1780, vice Cameron. Andrew Irvine, March 8, 1780 (surgeon's mate) ; lieut., April 13, 1782. 52 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. James Irvine, January 31, 1780; joined the 6/th before November 19. David Johnston, February 19, 1783, vice Moore; joined a company of Fencibles before March 25, 1783. William Johnston, February 19, 1783. James Leith, lieutenant, August I, 1781, vice Skene, captain: captain, November 23, 1782, vice Ferguson. Leith (1763-1816) was the brother of Alexander Leith Hay. He distinguished himself in the Peninsular War, particularly at Corunna, and died of fever as Governor of the Leeward Islands at Barbados. John Lister, April 13, 1782 ; joined Waller's Corps before March 12, I783- Robert MacLachlan, December 18, 1782. Norman Maclean, December 24, 1777; retired before December 18, 1782. Roderick Maclean, December 30, 1777. Thomas Gage Montresor, March 12, 1783, vice Lister; joined iO4th Foot before April 22, 1783. Pierce Moore, March 31, 1782, vice Pemberton ; lieutenant, Dec- ember 1 8, 1782, vice Burnet, captain. William Moore, February 19, 1783, vice Trevor, lieutenant. Robert Styles O'Brien, September I, 1781, vice Duncan. Henry Pemberton, June 2, 1781, vice Grant; joined Independent Company before March 31, 1782. William Rattray, October 6, 1778; joined Independent Company before May 26, 1780. George Harrison Reade (from Ensign of Invalids), November 19, 1781, vice Irvine; lieutenant, December 18, 1782, vice Leith, captain. Thomas Richardson, May 26 1780, vice Rattray. James Ronaldson, December 20, 1777; lieutenant, March 8, 1780, vice Sinclair resigns. John Ross, December 21, 1777; lieutenant, January 2, 1778, vice Johnston; joined iO3rd before December 18, 1782. John Ryan, December 19, 1777 ; lieutenant, July 25, 1778 vice Hay. George Skene, March 25, 1783, vice Reade, lieutenant. Alexander Gordon Stewart, October 9, 1778, vice Ryan. Charles Stewart (from ensign, Northern Fencibles), April 13, 1782, vice Wellwood, lieutenant. Hugh Trevor, April 13, 1782, vice Edgworth, deceased; lieutenant, January 14, 1783. Andrew Wellwood, June 2, 1781, vice Church; lieutenant, Dec- ember 10, 1781, vice Ryan. CHAPLAIN. Rev. John Stark, December 19, 1777. THE EIGHTY-FIRST : OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 53 ADJUTANT. William Duncan, December 19, 1777; succeeded by Q.M. Evermy on January 8, 1783. SURGEON. William Braid, December 19, 1777 ; previously mate in the 25th Foot. His mates were Robert Coupar and Andrew Irvine. George Gordon was appointed October I, 1782. QUARTERMASTERS. James Evermy, September I, 1781, vice Ryan; was previously a sergeant; adjutant, January 8, 1783, vice Duncan. Gunn, January 8, 1783 ; previously sergeant-major in the 66th Foot. John Ryan, December 19, 1777. The officers were assigned to companies in the following combina- tion as noted in the first pay list, June 5, 1777 (W.O. 12 ; 8,250): COMMANDANT. LIEUTENANT. i r> i TI. u T t. r A /Arthur McLachlan. Lieut-Col. The Hon. John Gordon. -I T , . A/r T J ^Lachlan McLean. Major Alexander Ross. (had 33 Rosses as privates.) Captain John Ferguson. Captain Adam Gordon. (Son of " 8th Lord Kenmure.") [Charles Baillie. \John Ross. f Alexander Keith. \Roderick McLean. /William Nevvall. \Dunbar Douglas. George (Gordon), Lord Strathaven. J Alexander Taylor. ENSIGN. John Gordon. John Ross. Norman McLean. Donald Cameron. Qth Marquis of Huntly. Captain Peter Gordon. (Of Abergeldie.) Captain James Horn. Captain Alexander Leith. (Only Company with pipers.) Captain George Moncrieff. (In America.) \Archibald Campbell. ( William Johnston. -! William McLeod. [Gregor Farquharson. /Robert Garden. \John Ryan. /William Kelso. \Nicol Ewing. /Henry Dunn. \Sir Alexander Sinclair. Charles Grant. James Ronaldson. The 8 ist had no territorial connection with the north of Scotland in point of service. Stewart gives it the alternative title of " Aberdeenshire 54 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Highlanders," but the pay rolls at the Record Office call it " H.M. 8ist Regiment of Foot, commanded by the Hon. William Gordon." The corps was certainly not complete when it went south, for on May 1 8, 1778, Duncan, the adjutant, wrote a letter from Greenock to such captains as it concerned as follows (W.O. I : 997) : Sir, I am commanded by Col. Gordon to acquaint you that it has been signified to him by the Secretary at War that His Majesty will not sign the commissions for the officers of this Regiment until it is compleat in numbers, according to the Establishment mentioned in your Beating Order. The Colonel, therefore, desires that you will exert yourself in compleating your quota and expects that you will have it done in two months from the date thereof at farthest. Otherwise, he will be obliged to name another gentleman for the commission you was [sic] to have had in his regiment. And the Colonel further directs that you do acknowledge the receipt of this letter by the next post after it comes to your hands, addressed to him at Kinsale. It was marched to Stirling and then shipped to Kinsale, seven com- panies landing in January, and the rest on June 6, 1778; but it left a recruiting party behind, for Ensign James Gordon of the Northern Fencibles wrote to the Duke of Gordon from Benholm, July 24 " There is a party of Colonel Gordon's in this country, but they have not got a single man." When the regiment landed in Ireland the companies, instead of having 100 privates each, had only the following complement of men : COMPANY. PRIVATES. John Ferguson 73 Adam Gordon 80 Lord Strathaven 80 Hon. John Gordon 77 Peter Gordon 95 COMPANY. PRIVATES. Hon. William Gordon 95 James Horn 85 Alexander Leith 98 George Moncrieff 88 Alexander Ross 96 Some recruiting was done in Ireland itself, for in July, 1778, there were seven Irishmen in Colonel Gordon's own company, but three of them, enlisted in July, had deserted by September of the same year. On August 2, 1778, Colonel Gordon wrote to the Secretary of War from Kinsale : " I could have enlisted a great many men in this country, but as I knew they would not remain long with us, I have only taken on seven or eight, who were well recommended " (W.O. i : 997). The regiment was quartered in Dublin till June 30, 1780, then went THE EIGHTY-FIRST : OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 55 to Cashel till September 30, and from there to Kilkenny. The companies broke up in the following year, two being quartered at Youghal, two in Cloyne, two in Clonmell, two in Middleton, one in Kilkenny and one in Cashel. In July, 1782, eight of the companies were in Limerick, and by September the whole regiment was at Monkstown. Stewart of Garth is responsible for the statement that in " the end of 1782," the 8 1st crossed over to England, and in March, 1783, were embarked at Portsmouth, with the intention of sending them to the East Indies, immediately after the preliminaries of peace were signed, although the terms on which the regiment had enlisted were that they should be discharged in three years or at the conclusion of hostilities. The men, however, made no objec- tions or complaint, and embarking very cheerfully remained quietly on board, waiting the orders for sailing and apparently overlooking, or in- different about, the conditions of their engagement. At length, however, a very opposite feeling evinced itself, when it was known that the Atholl Highlanders had insisted [January 27] on the performance of the terms of their agreement and [had] refused to embark. The example, as might have been expected, spread rapidly, and the Aberdeenshire regiment, following that of the Atholl Highlanders, called for the fulfilment of their agreement and requested to be disembodied and marched back to their own country to be there discharged. This request being conceded, the regiment marched to Scotland and was disbanded at Edinburgh in April, 1783. As a matter of fact the 8ist left Ireland in 1782, and had begun their march back to Scotland by March, 1783. Their movements are set forth with great minuteness in the War Office records (W. 0. 5 ; 64 ; pp. 320, 322,, 358, 394, 416-8, 424-5, 451, 485-8, 506; 65 ; pp. 4 and 10). On December 23, 1782, the order was given to Lord George Lennox at Portsmouth : " As soon as the 68th and 8 1 st Regiments are embarked, you cause the 36th to march into Hillsea Barracks " (where Andrew Wood, of Captain Duncan's company of the 8ist, was left "sick"). On Dec- ember 24, they were to embark on board the vessels which had been "prepared for their reception." The next order, January 25, 1783, bids the 8 1st on arrival at Spithead be disembarked and marched to Hillsea Barracks. Here the regiment remained till near the end of February, when it was sent on the march in pairs of companies ; one pair on February 19 to Petersfield ; another on February 20 to Waltham ; a third on February 20 to Petersfield ; and the last pair on February 21 to 56 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Waltham. Four companies then met at Bagshot from which they set out on March 17 for Newark (reached April i), marching two days at a time and halting the third. The second division, of two companies, set out from Alton in March 18 for Grantham. The third division set out on March 19 for Stamford. On April u, the regiment set out in two divisions from Newark, reaching Newcastle April 26, via Doncaster, Ripon, Northallerton, Darlington and Durham. Berwick was reached in May, via Morpeth and Alnwick ; so that during the five months' sojourn in England, the 8ist saw more of the world than during all its four years in Ireland. The War Office records stop at Berwick. The regiment, or rather the dregs of it, went to Edinburgh, where the final disembodiment took place on May 10 and May 13. Stewart says that it was reduced in April. As a matter of fact the men had begun to be discharged as early as December, 1782, and dropped off in batches on the march northwards. The state of Captain Dickson's muster in Edinburgh on May 10 is typical, there being only 24 privates present, and 61 " casuals since September 10," 1782. Forty-seven discharges took place as follows (the company being finally reduced on May 10) : i in December 1782. i on April 22, 1783. 21 on February 28, 1783. 2 on April 28, i on March 15, 4 on April 29, i on March 20, i on April 30, i on March 22, 14 on May 3, The discharges in the companies in the last muster were as follows (W.O. 12; 8,251):- Present, Casuals since Final Company Commanders. May 10, 1783. Sept. 10, 1782. Discharge. Hon. William Gordon 19 72 May 13 Lt.-Col. Hamilton 53 34 Major John Dickson 24 61 May 10 Capt. William Burnett 27 55 May 10 William Duncan 24 63 May 13 Adam Gordon 22 65 May 13 James Horn 33 53 May 13 Alexander Leith 19 42 James Leith 32 66 May 10 George Moncrieff 19 71 May 13 George Skene 26 62 May 10 THE EIGHTY-FIRST: OR ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLANDERS. 57 Of the original company commanders only five remained, namely the Hon. William Gordon, Adam Gordon, James Horn, Alexander Leith and George Moncrieff. The Number 81 was revived in 1793 for the Loyal Lincoln Volunteers, which regiment continues to this day as the second battalion of the Loyal North Lancashire Regiment. H THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH: OR ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS. 1777: RAISED BY THE 4TH DUKE OF ATHOLL: DISBANDED 1783. Whether the 8ist Regiment of Foot did or did not follow the example of the Atholl Highlanders in declining to sail for " foreign parts," it is well to understand the action of the latter themselves, for it throws a flood of light on the attitude of the Scots territorial regiments to national exploits. This is not the place to describe the raising of the 77th, or Atholl Highlanders, which was a Perthshire regiment. Its history has been told in detail by the Duke of Atholl in his exhaustive Atholl Chronicles, and also in his daughter-in-law's book, A Military History of Perth- shire, 1660-1902 (pp. 70-78). Stewart of Garth discusses it in the section of his book devoted to " Mutinies of the Highland Regiments " (Sketches of the Highlanders, 2nd ed. ii. 405-8). Garth got his first commission in the Atholl Highlanders on April 21, 1783, after the mutiny, but never joined, and remained on half pay till 1787, when he was appointed to the 42nd. Curiously enough he makes no reference to the fact. But if the regiment was Perthshire, several of the officers were Aberdeenshire, including John Farquharson (Lieutenant, January 10, 1778), who was a son of Lieutenant Alexander Farquharson, Micras, late of the 42nd ; John Farquharson, paymaster (Lieutenant, December 30, 1777), who was a son of Invercauld's factor; and probably Charles Farquharson, who was gazetted a Lieutenant, December 31, 1777. Strangely enough they brought few Farquharsons with them, but the regiment tried to recruit in the north, as the following letter, written by Charles Stewart, sergeant in the Atholl Highlanders, to Charles Stewart, Drumin, serves to show. It was dated Inverlochy, January 31, 1778, but Drumin felt convinced that from its " glassed ink," it had been written elsewhere. It runs (Gordon Castle Papers): Honoured Sir, Upon my returning from Strathspey from attesting as a Serjeant with Lieutenant Farqrson of the Athole Highlanders, it seems an information has been 'given you that I was trepaned and carried 58 THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH : OR ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS. 59 away by force, which out of great friendship made you take the trouble to come up here in order to relieve me, for which I return you most thankful acknowledgments ; and in justice to Lieutenant Farqrson and others who might perhaps be blamed in decoying me, take this oppor- tunity of informing you that no bad usage was offered me and that I was, as I still am, most desirous and happy of the opportunity I have got of being a Serjeant with an acquaintance ; and the reason of my leaving the country by night was to be kept from being pestered by women, who, I dare say, wished me well and might have thought I was drunk, which was not the case. All I regret is that I took the step without consulting you, and hope you will not be offended or blame anyone but myself, as I wrote my attestation with my own hand. I would have seen you at Drimmin in a few days, but have orders to go over to Strathdon, as my master has gone to Strathspey, who is good enough to say will dispense with me most freely if any of my friends could procure me to a higher rank in the army, which I have an ambition for. I will 'give myself the pleasure of seeing you upon my return from Strathdon, if I thought you are not offended. A much nearer local association, however, arose from the fact that an Aberdeenshire laird, Charles Gordon of Sheelagreen, in the parish of Culsalmond, became major of the 77th on October 24, 1778, and assumed command in November, 1782. Gordon, who was born in 1741, had begun his career in the 8gth, raised by the Duke of Gordon, getting his lieutenancy, October 13, 1759. He became captain in March 1762, and was A.D.C. to Hector Munro at the battle of Buxar. He got a captaincy in the nth Foot in April, 1767, and became major of the 3ist in May, 1 776 ; so that he came to the Atholl Highlanders with much experience. He also had a nephew in the regiment, for he wrote from Dublin to Colonel Murray, May 3, 1781 (Atholl archives): I shall also request the favour [i.e. from the Lord Lieutenant] of an ensigncy for Donald MacGregor, but, should not my application have effect, you will be pleased to mention him and my nephew, Charles Gordon [whose parentage I have not discovered] for the first two vacancies. I do net know that my nephew should be any burden on the regiment, as I shall immediately appoint him lieutenant to [Robert] Duff's [Independent] Company as soon as the notification is made out. Young Gordon got his ensigncy May 26, 1781, became lieutenant January 28, 1782, and was placed on half pay 1783, his name appearing in the army lists till 1798. Robert Duff's father, James (1700-79), was Land 6O TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Surveyor of Customs at Dundee (but had come from the north, being a son of Robert Duff of Hillockhead, fourth son of George of Edindiach), who married Christian Innes, daughter of James Innes of Knockorth, Provost of Banff (Book of the Duffs, 431, 433, 435). There was thus a fair admixture of northern officers in the regiment. Like the 8ist, the Atholl Highlanders spent most of their service in Ireland; but in August, 1782, the regiment embarked for Bideford, and found its way to various places in Hants. In November, Murray was promoted major-general, and the command devolved on Gordon, who, however, was not gazetted until February 28, 1783. Early in January, 1783, the 77th received orders to proceed to India, and was marched to Portsmouth for that purpose on January 25. On that very day, the news reached the town that the preliminaries of peace between France and Spain had been signed, but notwithstanding this the order for embarkation was not countermanded. The regiment declined to budge, and its attitude has become historic. Stewart of Garth, anxious to say everything possible in favour of the Highlanders generally, glozes the facts when he tells us the men of the 77th " showed no reluctance to embark, nor any desire to claim their discharge," though he admits that the Letters of Service entitled them to do so. " On the contrary, when they came in sight of the fleet at Spithead, as they marched across Portsdown Hill, they pulled off their bonnets and gave three cheers for a brush with Hyder Ali. But no sooner were they quartered in Portsmouth to wait till the transport should be ready than distrust and discord appeared." Stewart even goes the length of criticising Gordon's leadership. The Atholl Highlanders, he says, had every advantage of discipline while commanded by Colonel Gordon, an officer of great experience and firmness of character, though too much of the German school for a Highland regiment. But although he was of a temper to trust little to the native character of his men, and too apt to enforce his orders with a strictness which did not always yield to circumstances, he seldom had occasion to resort to corporal punish- ment. It is creditable to the character of the regiment that under so close an observer of their discipline, too much accustomed to look on soldiers without thought or reflection beyond the immediate orders they received, very few punishments were inflicted, and that these were only of the kind usually inflicted on Highland regiments of that period. THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH : OR ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS. 6l Having criticised the Colonel, Stewart goes on to suggest that the mutiny was really caused by " emissaries from London," who " ex- patiated on the faithlessness of sending them such a distance when their time of service had expired." But Garth himself devoted a whole chapter to " Mutinies of the Highland Regiments " " a series of very distressing events," of which the classic case is that of the Black Watch in 1743, when two corporals, natives of Laggan, and a private from Strathspey were shot, and 104 men drafted to other regiments, for declining to go upon foreign service. The whole story has recently been set forth at great length by Mr. Duff MacWilliam in his Official Records of the Mutiny in the Black Watch (pp. cxxviii., 237), with the conviction that it " contributed largely " to the Forty-Five. Certain it is, that it had become a tradition in the Highlands, and must have been well known to the Atholl Highlanders. I set forth their action chronologically from various contemporary accounts : January 23. On this day [a Thursday] one of the greatest scenes of confusion happened at Portsmouth that ever was remembered in that town. The Highland, or 77th Regiment, now quartered here were ordered on Sunday [January 26] to be ready to embark for the East Indies the next morning [January 27] (Gent's Mag., vol. 53, p. 89; not quoted in Lady Tullibardine's book.) January 26. On this day some of the men sent a letter to Lord George Gordon informing him that they were to be sent to the East. " It is known that Lord George sent back an answer assuring them of his support in all legal proceedings, and he doubtless encouraged them in their mutinous conduct " (Military History of Perthshire, p. 74) Maidment apparently did not know of Lord George's intervention, for in annotating the ballad about the emeute he suggests his Lordship's uncle " Adam." January 27. In obedience to order they assembled on the parade, but with determined resolution not to embark, alleging as a reason that their arrears were not paid, and that they were enlisted on the express condition to serve only three years or during the American war : and, as they conceived these conditions were fulfilled, and that they were not intended for the East India Company's service, where none of their officers were going, they declared that they would stand by each other to the last, and would not be compelled to embark for the East Indies, as they believed their officers had bartered them away to that Company. The Colonel was not present, but the Lieutenant-Colonel and the other officers insisted that they should embark ; in consequence of which the soldiers surrounded them, violently beating the Lieutenant-Colonel and 62 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. several others, who narrowly escaped with wounds and bruises : after which they repaired to the magazine or storehouse for the regiment, which they broke open and furnished themselves with several rounds of powder and ball. A party of Invalids were ordered out to prevent the Highlanders possessing themselves of the parade guard-house, but, being discovered before they gained that place, the Highlanders fired on them, killed one, and wounded one or two others, which compelled the Invalids to retreat. In short, the whole was a scene of the utmost drunkenness, riot, and confusion. Sir J. Pye and Sir J. Carter, the Mayor, took every step in their power to appease them, and on their promising they should not be embarked until further orders were received, they separated and returned to their quarters in the evening tolerably well satisfied, and this morning [January 27] they have been informed their embarkation will not be insisted on (Gent's Mag., vol. 53, p. 89). January 28. Writing on this date from Haslar Hospital to General Murray, Colonel Gordon practically corroborates this account (Military History of Perthshire, p. 73): " On Sunday [January 26] at 12 o'clock the whole Regiment was paraded with arms and accoutrements, which, after inspecting very narrowly, I told them by Companies to be upon the publick parade by 10 o'clock on Monday following in order to embark on board the ' Indiaman/ that I hoped for the credit of the regiment that there would be no absentees nor a single man the worse for liquor. Upon which I dismissed the regiment and found some of the men grumbling ; but particularly the Grenadier Company. . . . " I went to the parade by 1 2 o'clock yesterday, it being put off on acc[oun]tt of rain, when a great many of the Reg[imen]t was assembling with their arms. I observed a good many of the Grenadiers the worse of liquor and noisy : I went up to the Comp[an]y and commanded silence, when they told me unanimously they wou'd sooner loose their lives than go on board of ship, and that they were sold like so many bullocks to the India Company. That they had made good their agreement by serving during the American War. " Whilst I was endeavouring to convince them of their being misled by some people who did not wish well to the service, they suddenly attacked me with their firelocks, knocked me down several times, and with the utmost difficulty, by the assistance of L[ieu]t. Farquharson, senr. (who I am sorry to find is much cut in the head) and a few of the men, I was carried into a house near to the Parade, where they endeavoured to force the door. I was determined, with the few men with me (who were much attached) to sell my life as dear as I could, but finding they were firing in the town, and the very small probability of our being able to prevent them from breaking in to the house, I thought of an expedient which had the desired effect, by desiring one of the men to inform them that the L[ieu]t. Col. was in that house, but from the blows he received THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH : OR ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS. 63 he was breathing out his last. Soon after they dispersed, by which means I made my escape. " They broke open the stores, took out ammunition and their swords. In that distracted state the Reg[imen]t is now in. Had Lord Grantham's letter [announcing that the preliminaries of Peace had been signed] been published a few days later, they would, I'm certain, have embarked with the greatest cheerfullness. I can only say that every step was taken to prevent these irregularities ; the uneasiness it gives me and the corps you may easier conceive than I can possibly describe." January 31. The Gentleman s Magazine correspondent continues the story as follows : "The /7th or Scotch Regiment continued to parade the streets attended by their sergeants and corporals, but without their officers. They appeared to be entirely free from intoxication and behaved with so much decency as to remove from the inhabitants every apprehension of danger. Since which, the 68th Regiment, embarked on board transports for the West Indies, hearing that the Highlanders were not to be sent to the East Indies, made a determination that they would disembark, and in consequence, very early in the morning of the 3Oth past, they were discovered getting the transports under way to run them into the harbour ; but were all prevented by a man-of-war firing on them, except one transport, the mate of which was compelled by the soldiers, amounting to about 300, to bring his vessel so near the southern beach that they all got ashore, marched to the town with the intention to demand quarters of Lord George Lennox, who met them and ordered them to return, which they refused. His Lordship would not permit them to have quarters, but sent them to Hillsea barracks, where they were to remain till orders were received from London. To quiet these disorders, Lord Maitland interposed, and produced an order from the War Office of the i6th Dec., 1775, signed Barrington, and published in the London Gazette, by virtue of which all those who should enlist in any of His Majesty's marching regiments after that date should be bound to serve only for the term of three years, or during the rebellion. This produced an explanation of His Majesty's said order, which explanation, dated War Office, Feb. 4, and published in the London Gazette of the 4th inst, declares that all men now serving in any marching regiment, or corps of infantry, who have been enlisted since the date of the said order, should, on the ratification of the definite treaty of Peace, be dis- charged, provided that they shall have served three years from the dates of attestations : and all men enlisted, and serving as above, who have not so completed their full time of service, shall be discharged at the expiration of three years from the dates of their respective attestation ; and that, in the meantime, no person enlisted under the condition above mentioned shall be sent on any foreign service, unless he shall have been re-enlisted into His Majesty's service." 64 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. The present Duke of Atholl in his account of the affair says that as soon as General Murray heard of the " mutiny " he started for Ports- mouth in the hope of restoring order, but was advised by the officers not to show himself to the regiment. " A few days later he was present on parade, and did all he could to convince the mutineers that he had never done them any injury: but to this 'they gave very little faith.' He then made an effort through the medium of Captain William Robertson to persuade them to disavow the mutiny, but only two companies could be prevailed upon to do this." There is an interesting extract from a letter from Portsmouth in the Morning Chronicle of February 6, 1783, dated February 2, bearing on this : The Duke of Athol and Col. Murray, and Lord Geo. Lennox, Com- mander in Chief in Scotland, have been down here ; but the Athol High- landers are still determined not to go to the East Indies. They have put up their arms and ammunition into one of the magazines and placed a very strong guard over them, whilst the rest of the regiment sleep and refresh themselves. They come regularly and quietly to the Grand Parade, very cleanly dressed, twice a day. Their Adjutant and other Officers parade with them. One day it was proposed to turn the great guns on the ramparts against the Highlanders ; but that scheme was soon overruled. Another time it was suggested to send for some marching regiments quartered near this place ; upon which, the Highlanders drew up the drawbridges, and placed centinels at them. The 8 1st, another Highland regiment aboard the Indiamen, have also insisted upon being disembarked, and we hear that they are to be disembarked on Tuesday. An English regiment embarked for the West Indies, insisted likewise on being re-landed, and cut the cables of their transports, and are now in the barracks here. The Athol Highlanders are quartered among the town's people ; they do not all appear to be Highlanders. There are indeed some of Struan Robertson's men amongst them, and a few of the Glin Ammon people, and Stuarts of Appin, and Camerons of Lochiel ; but they chiefly consist of young lads from Perth, Glasgow, Dundee, and Montrose, amounting in the whole to near 1000 men. The most of them attend the worship of God to-day, it being Sabbath, and placed centinels all round for fear of being surprised. The inns are full of company from London, and the country people from Sussex and twenty miles round flock in to see the Highlanders. The affair was debated on January 29 in the House of Commons, the following report being constructed from various sources, including the THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH: OR ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS. 65 Morning Chronicle of January 30 and February I, 1783, and the Gentleman's Magazine, vol. 53, pp. 89-90 : Mr. [Robert] Vyner, M.P. for Lincoln, spoke of the riot as "of a most dangerous nature " ; the particulars he had not heard, but he understood some blood was shed, and the riot was not quelled when the express came away. If he was rightly informed, he said the men were, in some measure, justified in what they had done (if it was possible for men to be justified for mutiny). The men had been enlisted for three years, or during the war; therefore, when they found they were going to be sent to the East Indies, they mutinied, and, he understood, had killed one of the officers, and wounded several others. If the men had been enlisted on these terms, the hon. gentleman insisted that faith ought to have been observed with them, and they were not, in his opinion, liable to be punished as persons who were guilty of mutiny without a provocation. He called upon His Majesty's ministers to declare what they had heard or knew of the matter. Mr. Thomas Townshend, Secretary for War, afterwards Viscount Sydney, said he had heard of the unfortunate affair, and was fearful that the officers who enlisted the men were to blame. He knew, he said, that it was frequently practised by officers, who wished to gain rank, to offer to men terms which they were not authorised to do, in order to get them to enlist. In those cases, the officers undoubtedly deserve the severest reprehension ; but that, having made those terms with the men, the conditions ought to be duly observed, and the men set at liberty when the term was expired. If he was rightly informed, he said, the /7th Regiment was raised not to stay at home, but to be sent wherever His Majesty's service should require. Certainly they were as proper a regiment to be sent to the East Indies as any other ; but he desired the House to remember that he was always against raising those levies or regiments in the manner the 7/th was raised, and he still thought it was a dangerous and impolitic mode. The attestations of many of the men at Portsmouth, he said, had been examined, and found to be for three years, or during the war ; and certainly those men should not be considered in the light they would have been, had no such attestation been given. Mr. Burke reprobated the mode used by many officers of enlisting some men for three years, others for five, and in fact on any terms ; and insisted that peace having taken place, the men who had enlisted for " during the war," were to all intents and purposes perfectly right in not going to the East Indies. General Smith desired it might not be set forth to the world that it was an aversion to go to the East Indies, for he knew of the 23rd I 66 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Regiment, that was quartered either at Guernsey or Jersey, being on the parade, turned out for church, when the orders came to them to go to the East Indies ; they went to church, and returned thanks for their appointment. Mr. Burke said he did not mean to convey the idea that the East Indies was a bad place for a soldier ; on the contrary, he believed it to be the best. Lord Maitland (8th Earl of Lauderdale), M.P. for Newport, Cornwall, (" Citizen Maitland ") said he perfectly well remembered the regiment being raised, and he knew many of the men did not understand English ; but he was certain that it was the general idea held out to them at the time of their enlisting that it was for three years, or during the war. He read the copy of an advertisement signed " Barrington," from the London Gazette of December 26, 1775, the purport of which was " to order that all men to be enlisted in any of his Majesty's marching regiments of foot after that day, should be enlisted on the express condition of being discharged at the end of three years, or at the end of the rebellion, at the option of His Majesty." Therefore, he was not surprised to find men averse to be sent abroad, from whence, in all probability, they would never return, especially at a time when war was said to be at an end ; but he should like to be at a certainty on what conditions the men were raised. He therefore moved, " That the Letters of Service for raising the 77th Regiment be laid on the table." Mr. Vyner seconded. Mr. Secretary Townshend wished it to be postponed, as a person was gone down to inquire into the business. Mr. [George] Dempster of Dunnichen, M.P. for the Forfar Burghs, was likewise of opinion it would be better to postpone the business until the return from Portsmouth of General Murray. Lord North said that with regard to the point of their [the 77th] being raised for home service only, he well remembered that was not the condition. They were not fencibles, and the House must know that those regiments raised for home service in Scotd., were all fencibles. The 77th was raised at the same time as the Edinburgh regt, the Glasgow regt., Lord Macleod's, and several others ; all of them to be employed wherever the King's service should require. As to the stipulatn. that they were to serve only three years, he did not recollect any such conditn., and if the fact was that the officers concerned in raising them, had taken upon themselves to go the length of holdg. out conditions to them, wh. Government neither meant to have held out, nor authorised such officers to promise, he should think the officers highly culpable. Sir R[ichard] Hotham, M.P. for South wark, said that though the riot was over, something speedy should be done in the business, as keeping the Indiamen there was a great expense to the proprietors. THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH : OR ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS. 67 Sir P[hilip] Jfennings] Clerke, formerly Lieutenant-Colonel of the Horse Guards and M.P. for Totnes, spoke in favour of the men ; and hoped, if any delay was caused, that they would not suffer or be shipped off until the matter was inquired into. General Sir G[eorge] Howard, M.P. for Stamford, who had com- manded the Buffs at Falkirk and Culloden, said he understood that the men were raised, as described, for three years, or during the war ; and that it was testified on the back of their attestations. General Henry Seymour Conway, who had been dismissed the services for opposing George III.'s arbitrary measures in 1764, and was Commander-in-Chief, 1782-3, said that he was responsible for appointing the 77th to foreign service. He chose it because it was complete, and most of the other regiments were weak and incomplete. Peace came suddenly, and the regiment was ordered upon the service abroad before the Peace was known. He did not know that any condition of serving for three years, or till the end of the war, was in the terms of their enlisting. Mr. William Eden, M.P. for Woodstock (formerly represented by the Hon. William Gordon of the 8ist), afterwards created Baron Auckland, spoke up both for men and officers. He had had the 77th immediately under his observance during sixteen months of their garrison duty in Dublin ; and although they were the largest regiment in the King's service, and employed during so long a period in a city not remarkable for its police, he must say that their conduct had been regular and exemplary. Their officers, too, were not only men of gentlemanly characters, but peculiarly attentive to regimental discipline. Mr. Eden added, that having once, upon the sudden alarm of an invasion, sent an order for the immediate march of this regiment to Cork, they shewed their alacrity by marching at an hour's notice, and completed their march with a dispatch beyond any instance in modern times, and this without the desertion of a single soldier. The Letter of Service was produced, and ordered to lie on the table until the arrival of General Murray, on receiving a promise from Mr. Secretary Townshend that the men should not be sent abroad until an inquiry was made into the business. Lady Tullibardine defends the attitude of Murray to the regiment. She says {Military History of Perthshire, p. 413) that he resisted the nomination of officers to the 77th by successive Lords-Lieutenant of Ireland, pointing out that his corps was " not only national but provincial in character, and that if his men were to be commanded by officers whom they did not know, he would not be able to get another recruit." The refusal of the regiment is said to have " added half a score to his looks." 68 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. It was a " blow " to him to think that the men should believe him capable of selling them to the East India Company. A ballad of the period called " The Athole Highlanders," quoted in Maidment's Scottish Ballads and Songs, 1859 (pp. 236-244), takes a very different view of Murray from that held (naturally) by the family historians, and it is not referred to by them. Maidment tells us in a prefatory note that the song, which was printed at Edinburgh under the title of " The Athole Highlanders' (or LXXVII. Regiment's) Triumph, or General Murray and Colonel Gordon's Lamentation," was written by one of the privates of the 77th. It was printed by subscription, and each of the soldiers who subscribed got a copy. " From its fugitive nature it is now almost entirely unknown. As a national record of the very remarkable circumstances that gave rise to it, and as a song of triumph on the part of the Highlanders, who were on this occasion on the right side of the question, it has been placed in this volume." The ballad runs as follows : The twenty-seventh of January, The year seventeen hundred and eighty-three, The Highland boys would not agree To ship for Colonel Gordon. CHORUS : Charley [Gordon] are you waking yet? Or are you sleeping, I would wait ; The Highland drums to arms do beat, Will you go on board this morning? To the East Indies we were sold By Murray for a bag of gold : But listen awhile and I'll unfold How he did blast his glory. At Portsmouth we were shipped to be, To serve the East India Company ; But the Highland lads would not agree To go on board that morning. Were it to fight 'gainst France and Spain, We would with pleasure cross the main, But like bullocks to be sold for gain Our Highland blood abhors it. THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH: OR ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS. 69 Charley appeared upon the plain, And thus he did address his men ; "The first that refuses shall be slain, To go on board this morning." The Highland boys did him deny, Said, "We will fight until we die, But you and Murray we defy ; We'll comb your hair this morning. "To the East Indies we won't go To join Eyre Coote or Hector Munro ; Our time is out, and home we'll go In spite of all your saying no." The name of Murray I do suppose Should stink in every Scotsman's nose ; To king and country they were rogues, As witness traitor Geordy. Your father commanded in Forty-five, The young Pretender could not thrive, As witness many men alive, How treacherously he sold them. Our fathers you sold at Culloden field, The Isle of Man you. up did yield, But the 77th have hearts of steel, Go ask it of Colonel Gordon. As witness bears his bloody head, I would not wish the poor wretch dead ; But when my grinders can chew bread, The Murrays I abhor them. If writing keeps his memory, His deed shall not forgotten be, It makes my blood run chill in me To think on Murray's roguery. Upon the earth short shall he dwell, But like all traitors go to hell, Who thought the 77th to sell, But God detects his roguery. Then General Smith came to the plain And ask'd him where was his men ? "The pox on me if I do ken, They comb'd my hair this morning." 70 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Our Major, like a soldier bold, He said, " My lads, you shan't be sold, For of your hands I'll take a hold And bring you off this morning." Sir Robert Stewart of birth and fame, And long may he maintain the same, To be an honour to the name, May all that's good come o'er him. Messrs. Vinner and Maitland too, To them our hearty thanks is due ; Our cause they stood to, firm and true, In spite of Murray's roguery. When the news to London went, Lord George Gordon down was sent To look upon the men's complaint, How they were us'd that morning. Lord George Lennox, a soldier brave, How generously he did behave, His word of honour to us gave That we should not be sent away. Lord George Gordon should not be forgot, Who is a true and a trusty Scot, But may damnation be their lot Who approves of Murray's roguery. Now to conclude and make an end Of these few lines that I have penn'd. May peace and plenty be the end, God bless our own King Geordy. The India captains they did cry : "Where are our men that we did buy?" Then Murray said : " If they should die, They'll go on board this morning." They cried to Murray: "Where's your men?" He swore and said : " I do not ken, But they have alter'd all my plan, As they would not ship this morning." The price was struck at a high rate, The bargain struck without debate That Athole men to India be sent To stop your Hyder Ali. THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH: OR ATHOLL HIGHLANDERS. 71 May Sir Eyre Coote and brave Munro Make that savage villain know That Britons are his mortal foe, And let them twist him fairly. We Athole men go home to rest, For sure we are we've done our best, But her nainsell has been opprest By Murray who fairly sold us. There have been traitors you may see In Forty-Five and Eighty-Three, But let Murray still branded be, And all good men abhor him. Thy father, Murray, died in disgrace, And now his son fill'd up his place : Judas and Murray got yon place Where gold cannot restore them. Now, dad and son, I am to end This new song that I have penn'd. May all the traitors high be hanged, For Athole men abhor them. Whoever was responsible for the conditions creating the dispute, the " mutineers " were very leniently dealt with, almost indeed in the spirit exhibited by Mr. Duff MacWilliam, who dedicates his book to the " brave [42nd] Highlanders, victims of Deception and Tyranny." The authorities had clearly learned the Black Watch lesson, for not a single man of the Atholl Highlanders was brought to trial or punished. The present Duke of Atholl suggests that the order for embarkation was countermanded the more readily because Lord George Gordon had in- terested himself in the affair and a popular outcry might have had to be faced if they insisted on sending the regiment to the East. " The Govern- ment first offered them a chance of re-enlisting for a bounty : but, as they would not advance the money until $00 men had offered their services and refused to give it before the men were safely on board, the offer was rejected by the mutineers " (Military History of Perthshire, p. 75). Meantime, the Highlanders sent a letter of thanks to Lord George Gordon and "it may therefore be concluded that they believed they owed something to his intervention." The 7/th got orders, in February, to march down to Scotland in four 72 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. divisions, and on its arrival at Berwick in April and May, 1783, it was disbanded by companies. On March 11, Colonel Gordon severed his connection with it by becoming Lieutenant-Colonel of the 6ist Regiment. He died unmarried in 1789. THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 1778: RAISED BY THE 4TH DUKE OF GORDON: DISBANDED 1783. The Duke of Gordon's effort in recruiting, seriously handicapped as it had been by the rivalry of his kinsman, was not so ambitious as the Hon. William Gordon's ; for while the latter raised a regiment of the line, the Duke organised a Fencible force. That, as it happened, was a much more direct thing to do. The way had been led by His Grace of Atholl, who was followed by Henry Scott, the young E)uke of Buccleuch, in the following spring (of 1778). Buccleuch and Gordon were almost of one age, and their careers had run almost in parallel lines : 3rd DUKE OK 4th DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH. GORDON. Born - 1746 1743 Succeeded - 1751 1752 Married 1767 - 1767 Raised Fencibles - 1778 - 1778 Died - - 1812 1827 Buccleuch's influence on His Grace of Gordon is clearly set forth in a circular letter which the latter wrote from Upper Grosvenor Street, on April 8, 1778: Sir, The Duke of Buccleugh gave in a proposal a few days ago to the King's Ministers for raising in the Southern Counties of Scotland 2,000 Fencible men for the defence of the country, never to be sent [out] of this Island upon any account whatever, and not to march out of Scotland, except in case of an actual invasion in England ; and when that service is over is to be march'd back, so as when disembodied they shall be disembodied in Scotland ; to be cloath'd and accouter'd and paid by the public, but the officers to have rank and pay only whilst embodied. Upon information of this proposal, I thought it my duty to make a similar proposal in every respect for the Northern Counties, whose zeal in the King's service ought not to appear, what I am sure it is not in reality, inferior to that of their southern brethren. I have reason to believe the proposals will be accepted either in whole or in part, and I 73 K 74 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. flatter myself I shall be honor'd with your aid and support in carrying into execution this measure calculated for the honor as well as the safety of our Country. The Duke of Buccleugh and I are to be colonels of our respective corps. I propose setting out for Scotland as soon as the particulars are settled. The Duke of Gordon got his mandate for raising the Northern Fencibles, under Letter of Service dated April 14, 1778: My Lord, I am commanded by the King to acquaint your Grace that His Majesty approves of the plan of raising a Battalion of Fencible Men for the internal protection of North Britain, on the terms proposed by your Grace, as follows : The Regiment shall consist of eight Battalion Companies, one Company of Grenadiers, and one of Light Infantry. The Battalion Companies are to consist of one Captain, two Lieutenants, one Ensign, five Sergeants, five Corporals, two Drummers, and 100 Private Men each. The Grenadier Company of one Captain, three Lieutenants, five Sergeants, five Corporals, two Drummers, two Pipers, and 100 Private Men. The Light Infantry Company of one Captain, three Lieutenants, five Sergeants, five Corporals, two Drummers, and 100 Private Men, with the usual Staff Officers. The Regiment is to have the Field Officers undermentioned, viz., one Colonel, one Lieutenant-Colonel, and one Major, each having also a Company, and one Major without a Company, receiving an allowance of ten shillings per diem in lieu thereof and five shillings per diem as Major ; but it will be a matter of future consideration whether, in case of the death or promotion of such additional Major the pay of such additional Major shall not cease upon the establishment. The Regiment to be made under your Grace's command as Colonel. [The Duke's commission, signed Suffolk, is dated April 14.] The Recruits are to receive subsistence from the respective days of their attestation, and one guinea is to be paid to each man enrolled on his arrival at the rendezvous of his Company. The King leaves to your Grace the recommendation of all the Officers, being such as are well affected to His Majesty, and most likely by their interest and connections to forward the complement of the corps ; a list of whom your Grace will be pleased to transmit to me as soon as convenient, for His Majesty's information. None of the Officers appointed to this Regiment are to have rank longer than while it remains on the Establishment ; nor, when reduced, are they to be entitled to half-pay. Both these circumstances are, I know, perfectly understood by your Grace ; yet I must take the liberty of adding that your Grace cannot too fully explain the matter respecting rank to the gentlemen you mean to propose for commissions, that they THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 75 may not in future conceive they have derived any claim whatever to permanent rank in the Army from their services in your Grace's Regi- ment. It may be proper to mention that, if your Grace takes any Officers from half-pay, they will be replaced thereon on the reduction of your Regiment. In all respects of pay, clothing, arms, and accoutrements, the corps is to be on the same footing as His Majesty's other marching regiments. The Beating Order to authorise this levy, being made out in the usual form, allows the recruiting to be carried on in any part of Great Britain ; it is meant, notwithstanding, to be confined to the counties of Scotland proposed by your Grace, and specified in the margin hereof. The Regiment is to serve in any part of Scotland, but not to march out of it except in the case of invasion on the more southern parts of the Kingdom. The men are not to be drafted ; and in the event of their being ordered into England, His Majesty consents that they shall not be reduced there, but be marched back in a corps and disembodied in Scotland. The King hopes that the corps will be completed within three months, the period mentioned by your Grace ; and, though it has been customary in new levies to stipulate that the recruits shall not be under 5 feet 4 inches, nor under 18 or above 30 years of age, yet His Majesty thinks it unnecessary to prescribe these limits on the present occasion, in full confidence that from your Grace's zeal for his service and regard for your country, every exertion will be used to recruit the corps with men fit for active and immediate duty. In the execution of this service, I take leave to assure your Grace of every assistance that this office can afford. I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Grace's most obedient and most humble servant, Barrington. The Beating Order gives authority to the Duke in the following terms : George R. Whereas we have thought fit to order a Regiment of Fencible men to be forthwith raised under your command, which is to consist of ten companies, of five sergeants, five corporals, two drummers, and one hundred private men in each, with two pipers to the grenadier company, besides commissioned officers, which men are not to be sent out of Great Britain : These are to authorise you by beat of drum or otherwise to raise so many men in any county or part of our Kingdom of Great Britain as shall be wanting to compleat the said regiment to the above mentioned numbers. And all Magistrates, Justices of the Peace, and Constables, and other Civil Officers whom it may concern are hereby required to be assisting unto you in providing quarters, impressing carriages, and otherwise as there shall be occasion. Given /6 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. at our Court at St. James's, this I4th day of April, 1778, in the iSth year of our reign. By His Majesty's command, Barrington. [Endorsed] To our Right Trusty and Right Entirely Beloved Cousin, Alexander, Duke of Gordon, Colonel of a Regiment of Fencible Men to be forthwith raised, or to the Officer appointed by him to raise men for our said Regiment. The Duke of Buccleuch approached the task by issuing a manifesto " to the Brave Lowlanders," a copy of which is at Gordon Castle. It ran as follows : In the present alarming condition of this country, whilst France, united with America, threatens invasion and descent upon the coast of Britain, some of the Peers of Scotland, zealous for the safety and honour of their native land, have offered to raise regiments of FENCIBLE MEN, and to serve with them in person during the present war: the King, with signal marks of approbation hath accepted the offer, and issued warrants for that purpose. These regiments are called the South, the West, and the North Fencibles. His Majesty, and the noble commanders of these regiments, considering the circumstances of the levy and trusting to the zeal and valour of the Scots, do not purpose to bribe men to enter into this service by such sums of money as have been given to those who enlisted to leave the kingdom, and to serve abroad ; nor is it reasonable they should, for these regiments have many ad- vantages : they are not to march out of Scotland, except in case of an actual invasion, and then to England only, to assist their brethren against their common enemy. Private men, by enlisting in these regiments acquire all the privileges and immunities of soldiers ; such as freedom of burghs and corporations etc. They are to be commanded by gentlemen of their own country, born and bred amongst those whom they command ; and when the regiments are once formed and taught their exercise, every possible indulgence, consistent with their duty will be given to the private men ; they will be allowed to work for themselves during hay time and harvest, (and at all other times, when they are quartered in places where work is to be had, to as great a degree as the circum- stances will permit) so that the men who enlist in these regiments do not become soldiers in the common sense of the word, but are furnished with arms, accoutrements, clothing and pay and taught military exercise to be ready at a call to defend their country and their own families from the invasion, rapine and plunder of the most cruel and treacherous of enemies. One of these regiments, (the South Fencible) is commanded by COLONEL HENRY DUKE OF BUCCLEUGH, and it is hoped and expected that the men of the Low countries will not be backward in offering themselves to serve in this regiment. The Low-landers, it is well known THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 77 were once famous for their valour ; they were reckoned in ancient times the bravest and most warlike of all the Scots ; led by their own chiefs, they defended their country with success against much braver enemies than the French or Americans can pretend to be ; but these enemies are now become their firmest friends : the happy Union has made the Scots and the English one people. If they unite in sentiment and action upon this great occasion, and manfully resist the confederacy formed for the downfall of Britain by the perfidious French and ungrate- ful Americans, Britain will rise greater from her dangers. The English are already arrayed, it is high time for the Scots to arm at this important period. Regulars, militia and fencible men, are equally the defenders of their country. N.B. A ship of war, manned with Frenchmen and Americans, has landed men in sundry places in England and Scotland to plunder, burn and destroy. His Grace of Gordon did not venture on any such rhetorical appeal, but at once set about the serious task of recruiting, getting James Ross, his cashier at Gordon Castle, to send out this circular letter, dated April 25, 1778: Sir, I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the King has given the Duke of Gordon a warrant for raising a Regiment of Fencible men in the Northern Counties of Scotland, to consist of ten companies of 100 private men each. . . . The raising of this Regiment must be attended with great trouble and very considerable expence to His Grace ; but, as he undertook it for the good of the country, which would otherways have been quite defenceless, 'tis hoped he will meet with the approbation and hearty assistance of every man of property and consequence in it. The Duke writes me of the I7th that he intended to set out for Scotland in about eight days after, in order to take measures for raising this regiment, and that he hoped and expected, not only his particular friends, but also every person of influence in the country would exert their best endeavour to get the corps compleated as expeditiously as possible, that it may be the sooner fit for the purpose intended, especially as all the regular troops are so withdrawn from the north upon the present emergency. The first thing to be done will be the appointment of the officers, of whom His Grace writes there are none fixed but Lord Haddo and Mr. Campbell of Calder : for, tho' he had many applications, his answer was that he must first see his friends in the north to consult with them. I, therefore, in compliance with His Grace's desire, and while he is upon the road, take the liberty to bring this circumstance into your ;8 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. view, that you may lose no time in applying to His Grace in case you or any of your friends wish to have a commission in his regiment. The first nobility in England are just now taking the lowest commissions in the Militia, prompted by an emulation to appear in the defence of their country at this critical time : and it is to be expected that our country- men will not fall short in point of spirit upon the present occasion. One of the first tasks of the Duke was to find officers. There was certainly a keen desire among some gentlemen to get commissions, but they were not the type of officer his Grace wanted, for many of them had no influence. All the first commissions, forty-three in number, bear the same date, April 14, 1778, as the mandate for raising the regiment, but that does not imply that the appointments were actually made on that date, for the list was not complete on July 3, and the first official announcement was not made till September 17, when the War Office issued the list (W.O. 2$ ; 148 : p. 236). The fact is the commissions were antedated. On July 3, 1778, His Grace wrote to Lord Barrington, Secretary of War (W.O. i ; 997) : I have met with some very unexpected disappointments by the defection of several officers I had appointed. My officers are not all named owing to the disappointment I have mentioned, which is the reason of my not having sent you a Return of them. But if your Lord- ship desires it, I shall send a list of such as I have named and have reason to think will be entitled to commissions in my regiment Some of the applications for commissions were very curious. Thus Cameron, of Fassifern, suggests Lochiel's son, a "fine stout boy of 10," and he offered to do duty for three or four years until the boy was ready to take post. John Macleod, of Rasay, writes on May 12, that he had "two boys at Aberdeen Colledge," the eldest being about 1 7, and " would be happy in having him under His Grace's protection so early in life." Alexander Gordon, of Whiteley, proposed Sir William Gordon of Park, "who is indeed a very sensible worthy man." Sir William had been attainted for his share in the Jacobite Rebellion, but 20 years had apparently sobered him, and he was ready to support the House of Hanover. Patrick Grant, Inverness, writes : " Old as I am to begin in the military line, if his Grace would honour me, I think I should renew my age." ' THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 79 William Todd writing from Ruthven on April 27, gives the Duke a useful hint : " If his Grace has any passion for a parcel of real genuine Highlanders, he should offer a commission to Glengarry, whose men are yet entire and the best in the whole country." As to his own district he says, " there is not a piper in all this country but Cluny's, and he is too old, and I am afraid too great for service." Todd offered his own son as a subaltern, and mentioned the sons of his neighbours, Butter and Macgregor. Malcolm Macpherson, Ardylach, George Macpherson, Aberdeen, and the brother of Hugh Rose, Nigg, all sent applications. Sir Robert Abercromby offered from ; 1,200 to 1,400, and added " if the Duke wants a Chaplain for his Regiment I should put in for it " apparently on behalf of a friend. Abercromby of Birkenbog was also anxious for a commission. One of the most curious of all the applications, however, came from a minister and schoolmaster named Robert Gordon. His memorial dated Rhynie, July I, runs as follows (Gordon Castle Papers} : That your memoralist has been for some years a Preacher of the Gospel, and for many years Schoolmaster at Rhynie, a laborious and painful occupation of which he feels himself very weary. That he wou'd be extreamly happy to accept of the honour of any employment under your Grace in the regiment now raising, and of which your Grace has the command, as he has but a very remote prospect of any provision in the line of life in which he was educated. That if your Grace cou'd honour him with a lieutenancy in that regiment, he wou'd be anxious by every honest method in his power to promote the interest of the service with the utmost zeal, and tho' he cou'd not promise on raising the number of men usually given for that office, he nevertheless thinks that in consequence of his acquaintance and connection in this corner he cou'd be of some service, the rather as a Brother of his has had some success in that way here, and has still a prospect of doing something more effectual. Your Memoralist begs leave to add that his father and friends have been time immemorial tenants to Your Grace's family in this corner. May it therefore please Your Grace to take the Memoralist and his Memorial under your consideration. The poor, bored dominie did not get a commission, but he escaped from the drudgery of his " squeel " by ultimately becoming minister of Drumblade, presented to him by the Earl of Kintore in 1794. He had his military ambition realised in his issue, for one of his daughters 80 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. married an officer (Captain Henry), another daughter had a son in the Black Watch, a daughter married a general (John Gordon, Culdrain), and a second an admiral (Charles Gordon). One can easily understand the desire of a young man, cooped up at home and engaged in a dull round of duty, to get a commission. A very interesting letter bearing on such a case was written to Ross by John Macpherson, Inverhall, dated June 6. He says : My son hinted to me the beginning of the winter that he wou'd go into the new levies upon some footing or oyr, and entreated I wou'd co-operate wt. him in raising a lieutenant's comp[lemen]t of men. I told him I did not chuse that line of life for him, as none of his broyrs. were in Britain to assist me in my old age. This had not the desired effect, tho' his uncles Banchar and Mr. Robt. McP. [minister of Aber- arder?] endeavoured to influence him to stay. At last, I promised to indulge him providing his Grace, who, as was then expected had got a regiment and that he wou'd be pleas'd to appoint him an off[ice]r. This proposall prevailed upon [him] to renunce every oyr. prospect. But the misfortune now is that, tho' the boy is still possitive, I cannot engage for any number of men, the country being so drained by repeated re- cruiting. If his Grace will be pleased to give him a comm[issio]n, I hope he never will have cause to charge him with ingratitude or cowardice. Mr. Tod well knows the strugle I had to keep Andrew from the army, and that I wou'd upon no oyr. terms agree to part wt. him unless his Grace got a regiment. Ffrom this plain narrative of the affair I expect you will be so kind if the D[uke] does not provoid for him that you will reconcile [him] to stay in good humour wt. me. The biggest disappointment the Duke met came from Sutherland, which took this opportunity of finally jettisoning his influence. He may have thought that his patriotic endeavour would once more make him a Cock of the North. But that was not to be, for not only had his over- lordship been broken long before he was born, but the county of Sutherland was expecting to be called on to raise a regiment of Fencibles of its own, which it did in 1779, under the colonelcy of William Wemyss of Wemyss (1760-1822), the first cousin of the Countess of Sutherland. The Gordon influence in Sutherland had come with one Elizabeth, Countess of Sutherland, and it went with another. The house of Sutherland had borne the surname of Gordon from 1501, the probable date of the birth of Alexander, Master of Sutherland, son of Elizabeth (Sutherland), Countess of Sutherland, who married, about 1500, Adam Gordon, second son of the 2nd Earl of Huntly. Gradually, however, THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 8 1 the family began to repudiate allegiance to the Gordon family, and in 1713 they roused the latter's fury by dropping the name of Gordon and reverting to that of Sutherland. The Jacobite struggle put another gulf between the two houses, for, while the ducal Gordons were tentatively Jacobite, the Sutherland line was staunchly Hanoverian, and in the 'Fifteen the Earl of Sutherland actually invaded the Duke's domains. The final break came in 1771, when the claim of Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstown to the peerage of Sutherland as heir male of the Gordon Earls was dismissed in favour of the sixteen-year-old Elizabeth, who was under the tutelage of her aunt Lady Elizabeth's husband, the Hon. James Wemyss of that Ilk, whose granddaughter, Elizabeth Brodie, was yet to marry the last Duke of Gordon. The fact that the young Countess's father had raised a Fencible regiment in 1759, the same year as the Duke, and that her mother, like the Duke's wife, was a Galloway Maxwell, may have encouraged His Grace to look to her for help ; but while not directly antagonistic, the Sutherland family was not en- thusiastic. The Duke put himself into communication with the Countess's guardian, James Wemyss of that Ilk, to whom he wrote as follows, on May 18, 1778 (Gordon Castle Papers}: I received your obliging letter. Believe me I never entertained an idea of interfering with Lady Sutherland in the event of a corps being destined for her country. But by this time, I presume you will know that mine is the only one fixed for the North ; and, as it would give me particular pleasure to embrace this opportunity of distinguishing with commissions such of my Lady Sutherland's friends as her managers approve, I therefore deem it a favour to have this permission to take into my regiment Captain James Sutherland at Dunrobin, or any other person more agreeable to Lady Sutherland's friends. I have a company at their service and perhaps a majority if the attention necessary to be paid to my friends in this country can admit of it. As this undertaking of mine requires despatch, may I beg the favour of an answer directed to me at Gordon Castle as soon as convenient. On the same day the Duke wrote to Captain James Sutherland at Dunrobin (Ibid?) : I have received your obliging letter of 25th April. Mr. [Charles] Gordon [of Wardhouse] wrote to me from Edinburgh, igth, that he had delivered my letter to Mr. Wemyss, who, after expressing much friend- ship for me, told him that he expected you at the Wemyss early last 82 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. week, and would, upon your arrival, write on a particular answer to my letter. I have since been in daily expectation of hearing from Mr. Wemyss. and upon that account have delayed arranging some of the commissions in my regiment, being very desirous to reserve such as might be agreeable to you or any other gentleman by Lady Sutherland's managers. But, as the business I am embarked in does not admitt of much longer delay in filling up all my commissions ; and as I have just now heard a report that you have not yet left Dunrobin, I send this by express, and must beg to know by the return of the bearer what part you and Lady Sutherland's other friends chuse to take in my Regiment. I have kept one of the majoritys open for your acceptance. It will be very obliging to have your final resolution by the return of the bearer, and, if you don't find it convenient to accept, I beg you will not mention the offer. I had almost forgot to mention that I have already appointed a paymaster, but I hope Mr. Gordon will still accept of a company. My paymaster [William Finlason] was appointed before I left London ; otherways I should have been happy to have bestowed it on my namesake. I daresay your friends, when once they embark, will have the honour of the corps so much at heart as not to make it necessary for me to commend it to them to raise their men as soon as possible that we may not be behind the other Fencible Regiments in Scotland. On May 21, 1778, Sutherland wrote from Edinburgh to James Ross, the Duke's cashier (Ibid?) : I am favoured with your letter and the reason of my delay in not acknowledging it before now was the expectation I had of a Sutherland regiment being raised. But, as this is now over, I can with truth assure you that I wish success to the Duke of Gordon's regiment ; and if his Grace will procure me an order from the Countess of Sutherland and her guardians, I can in ten days' time send his Grace two or three hundred fine young fellows ; and on this present emergency I hope every gentleman in the northern counties will exert their endeavours to have the Duke's corps completed with the soonest. I only arrived here [Edinburgh] last night, and, when I go next week to wait on Mr. Wemyss, I shall mention to him the propriety of his and Lady Sutherland's other tutors assisting the Duke of Gordon on this occasion. The Duke wrote again to Wemyss on May 26, 1778, dating from Gordon Castle (Ibid) : After writing to you the other day, I was exceedingly happy to receive your letter this morning. I am much obliged to you for the THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 17/8-83. 83 friendly part you have used upon this occasion. I shall be ready to do anything on my side to keep up the connection that has so long subsisted between the ffamily of Sutherland and mine. I am very glad to have it in my power to name Captain Sutherland one of my majors, and Mr. Charles Gordon, or any other you think proper, for a company, with four lieutenants and two ensigns to be named by you making in all the whole officers for two companies ; taking it for granted that they are to bring their quota of men, agreeable to my recruiting instructions, copies of which with Beating Orders, etc., I shall leave with Captain Sutherland's agent at Inverness, for which I set out this evening on my way to Lochaber. As a matter of fact, Captain Sutherland held his commission only for a fortnight. " It was a disappointment to me, you may easily believe," wrote the Duke, " particularly in losing him." And on June 17, 1778, he wrote to Sir Adolphus Oughton : I have met with some great disappointments in gentlemen resigning their commissions after having accepted them a fortnight. The greatest is the family of Sutherland, who had undertaken for 200 men, and, if they had stood to their first engagements, I should now have been 600 strong. The Duke, however, managed to get one Sutherland, namely John Sutherland of Dunbeath, to whom he gave a lieutenancy. On June 8, 1778, Sutherland wrote from Dunbeath to the Duke that he had got eight men and hoped soon to have more. He asks whether he might make one or two sergeants, as he had got in view one or two young men of education. He also asks for some more attestation papers with a few of the printed obligations, " as the young men in this country are so affraid without them that they think they're not safe." On Sep- tember 1 6, 1778, Sutherland, who had now got a company, wrote again from Dunbeath to the Duke (Gordon Castle Papers} : I've the honour to inform your Grace that I have got 20 men attested for your Grace's regiment, and would have got all my comple- ment had I not been continually thwarted by some of the county gentle- men, who never lose an opportunity to disappoint me, Freswick only excepted, to whom I appeal for my conduct. Shall use every fair means to compleat my complement with all possible speed. With less excuse, the Duke also tapped Caithness, possibly arguing that, if his own domains were invaded, he might as well invade other people's. Luckily for him, the Reay country was not called on to 84 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. produce a Fenci'ble regiment till 1794, so that he found greater friendli- ness among the Mackays. On May 18, 1778, the Duke wrote to the Hon. George Mackay, of Skibo, who had been captain in Loudon's Independent companies in the 'Forty-Five, and who was the father of the 7th and 8th Lords Reay (Gordon Castle Papers) : I had the honour to receive your letter of the 2Qth April, and beg to return my best thanks for your obliging expression of attachment to me and my family. I presume you are by this time acquainted that mine is the only corps of Fencible men to be raised in the North, and consequently that you find yourself at liberty to assist in raising it. I therefore beg to know by the return of the bearer what concern it will be agreeable to you to take in that matter, and whether you have any relatives you would wish to appoint officers. As the business does not admitt of delay, I have been obliged to promise away the greatest part of the commissions, but shall endeavour to keep some open till I have the pleasure of hearing from you. Skibo got his namesake, George Mackay of Bighouse, who had been in the army and was now on half pay, to take the matter up, and wrote from Tongue to the Duke, on May 30, 1778 (Ibid): The express with your Grace's letter of the 26th came here last night, and, as your Grace desires, I send this by express to Fort William to acquaint [you] that I chearfully agree to raise a company for your Grace's regiment, as does Mr. Mackay of Bighouse to have command of a company, which we have no doubt will be completed in a few weeks. I have not yet fixed on the proper persons for subaltern officers. [I] will do so soon, and acquaint your Grace in course after they are fixed on. I intended to have set out for Edinburgh next week. 1 now delay till the company is compleated. Bighouse and I will soon after do ourselves the honour to waite of your Grace at Gordon Castle. He desires me to make offer of his most respectful compliments to your Grace ; says he cannot easily find money for bills in Aberdeen, but that he can for bills in Edinburgh, and therefore wished to have credit in Edinburgh for the money necessary to raise the company. He wished to know the head musters of the regiment in order to his sending the weekly returns to the commanding officer there, also to have the form of a return sent him. Then Ross, the cashier at Gordon Castle, took up the tale, writing to Bighouse on July 22, 1778 (Ibid): I was happy when I understood that you were to have a company THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 85 in the Duke's regiment, as it must afford us opportunitys of renewing our acquaintance, which I shall always be glad to cultivate. Your drummers and piper are expected daily at the general muster in Elgin. I don't know if your old acquaintance Major Mercer wrote you of his appointment to the regiment, and beg your assistance to get him some men after your own complement was filled up. He has been very successful in recruiting at Aberdeen, and as he is very anxious to make up a decent number, it will be doing him a great favour to help him to some. Perhaps the execution of the Comprehending Act may put this more in your power. But a great deal was quite out of Mackay's power, for Bighouse wrote July 25, 1778, to the Duke about the Comprehending Act Com- missioners' meeting at Wick on July 22 : " I find your Grace has little to expect from the County of Caithness. The gentlemen of this county think the country very much drained of men already, and that they have no men who can come under the description of the Comprehending Act." He adds, however, that he has got a " pipper " for the ducal corps. As a matter of fact, the Duke had to rely largely on his own estates, especially on his vast acres in Inverness ; and I shall now show the mechanism of the various endeavours he put forward, and the answers that were made to his call truly an illuminating glimpse into human nature, even under the stress of possible invasion. In the first place, there were his officers, who brought men in consideration of getting posts in the regiment. Hardly less important were his estate agents and officers, notably James Ross, his cashier at Gordon Castle ; William Todd (1745-1821) his factor in the Enzie, who married a sister of Prof essor William Ogilvy, the pioneer land reformer, and gave several sons to the army (Scottish Review, xvii., 117-8); and James Bell, another factor, who farmed Coclarachie, where he died on August 13, 1790. The instructions to the officers were scheduled in a definitive form (Gordon Castle Papers} : The Officers are referred to the annexed copy of the Letter of Service for their guidance in general ; but, as the Country has been much drained of men by the new regiments lately raised, and a latitude is on that account given for recruiting the Fencible Regiment somewhat below the usual standard of the Army, his Grace therefore proposes the following particulars in addition to the Letter of Service. 86 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. 1. That men be enlisted of any age from 15 to the period that obvious infirmity and age render them unfit for active service, and on receiving a certificate (previous to their being attested) from a surgeon, that, after inspection, they appear free from diseases or weakness, that can prevent their marching and actively wielding their arms. 2. Tho' the recruiting of this Regiment is meant to be carried on in the particular counties specified in the Letter of Service, yet if any man, from any other county of North Britain, then resident in the specified counties, should offer to serve in this regiment, such man may be accepted. 3. The guinea proposed to be paid to each man enrolled (on his arrival at the rendezvous of their respective companies, after the above specified inspection and attestation) may be paid, in order to provide the recruit with necessaries, which ought to consist of three good shirts, and two pairs of shoes and hose (including ammunition ones) if the recruiting officer thinks it will forward the service, and chooses to risque the advance ; but this immediate advance (considered actually as inlisting money) is on no account and at no time to exceed a guinea. 4. In consideration of such risque, and other contingencies, which the recruiting officer may be .liable to, he is to be allowed for every recruit, who shall be brought to Head-Quarters, and approved of by a Field Officer of the regiment as fit for service, a sum not exceeding twenty shillings ; but no allowance whatsoever is to be made for any recruits who may die, desert, or be discharged before or rejected on their being brought to Head-Quarters. The officers are individually assured, his Grace will generously apply the utmost extent (and withhold no part) of whatever is allowed by Government for the proposed useful Purpose. 5. In order to carry on the recruiting service with greater facility, money will be lodged with Captain Finlason, who is appointed paymaster, and now residing at Aberdeen, on whom the recruiting officers may draw bills at the rate of 40 at a time for each Field Officer, or Captain, and 20 at a time for each subaltern. When the first sums so drawn are expended, or nearly so, an account of the expenditure must be sent to the said Captain Finlason, who will from time to time honour such farther bills as may be drawn during the continuance of the recruiting, on receiving the accounts of the expenditure of the former sums, and finding they are regularly conducted, and intitled to approbation. 6. Returns agreeable to the annexed form to be sent to the Com- manding Officer at Head-Quarters every Monday, signed by the Officers commanding at the respective recruiting quarters. 7. It is strongly recommended to the officers to pay all possible atten- tion to the health and morals of their recruits, by keeping them clean, sober and orderly, and enjoining their being attentive to a regular and wholesome diet, either in messes, or boarded, and discountenancing riots and disputes with inhabitants or parties of other Corps. THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 87 8. To initiate the recruits in discipline and regularity, they should, from the earliest period, be directed to parade twice (if not thrice) every day, punctually, at certain specified hours of roll-calling ; where the officers as well as non-commissioned officers in the respective quarters of course will attend and inspect the appearance and good behaviour of their men. Lastly, all possible exertion on the part of the recruiting officer is requested ; and those who are most successful shall be considered accordingly in classing them by seniority, in their several ranks, when the regiment is compleat and their commissions are made out. The proportion of numbers to be levied by the officers in their several ranks is expected to be as follows, viz., 75 by each Field Officer, 50 by each Captain, 25 by each Lieutenant, and 15 by each Ensign. The officers are directed to publish the very favourable terms on which this regiment is formed, and the full and unquestionable security the men will individually receive, that they are never to quit their native country, the event of an invasion on England excepted, which obligation authentically vouched by his Grace, will be delivered to each recruit on his being attested and passed. P.S. It is recommended to such Officers as have acquaintance with officers in the army, to endeavour to procure from the marching regiments two or more Corporals fit to be made Serjeants, and two or more Privates fit to be made Corporals. In putting forward these instructions, the Duke reduced Buccleuch's rhetoric to the simple statement that the Regiment was raised for " the loyal and spirited purpose of protection to the North of Scotland." That was a very plain issue, but the difficulties encountered in getting men clearly show that this significance was largely lost on his tenantry. The imminent danger which faced the country drained of its troops for America, and the threat of invasion from France which followed the coalition, gave intense anxiety to statesmen and induced something like panic in all the dwellers in the coast towns, who scanned the horizon daily for signs of a hostile sail. It can easily be understood, however, that the same terror did not affect the people living in the remote glens of which the Duke was over-lord. There were other deterrents of a more practical nature which impeded his progress. In the first place, the country had been drained dry by previous recruiting projects. Indeed, it had been squeezed to such an extent that agriculture seemed destined to come to a standstill for lack of hands. Thus, John Macpherson writing to Ross on June 6, declared that he had not a single man servant : " They are so scarce in the country," he wrote, " that I have no more prospect of being accommodated at this time." 88 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. A remarkable picture of the situation is drawn by the Rev. Robert Macpherson, parish minister of Aberarder, Inverness-shire, to whom the Duke applied for help as " the oracle and adviser of the whole clan." The Macphersons had long been difficult to deal with, for if the noble house of Gordon was their over-lord in the legal sense, they had never regarded it as their chief in any clan sense. First, the kindred clan Mackintosh had given difficulty, because the promise of the lordship of Badenoch by Morton in 1 572 had not been implemented. The situation became complicated by the dispute in 1672 between Andrew Macpherson of Cluny and Lachlan Mackintosh for the chieftainship of the Clan Chattan. The ennobled Gordons had wobbled and pleased neither party, the vendetta being viciously pourtrayed in ^Eneas Macpher- son's polemic, " The Loyall Dissuasive." When the Duke of Gordon, feeling unequal to the difficulties of the case, put Gordon of Glenbucket into the baillieship of Badenoch, and gave him a wadset there, the Macphersons almost assassinated the old man in 1724, and practically drove him back to Donside, so that Alexander Pennecuik lashed them with a doggerel whip : May that accursed clan up by the roots be plucke'd, Whose impious hands have killed the great Glenbucket ! The immense power of the Macphersons is shown by the interven- tion of the old Chevalier in this particular case, for he felt that if the Duke of Gordon went on pursuing Glenbucket's assailants, the Clan Macpherson would not rally to the ducal banner in the coming Jacobite attempt. As an example of the delicate way in which the Macphersons had to be handled, one has only to note a statement by Charles Gordon of Braid and Cluny, who>, writing to the Duke of Gordon's people from Edinburgh, May 13, 1778, said : " I find there are about 150 Highlanders of the Duke of Hamilton's Regiment chiefly mustered by the Mac- phersons. They have declared they would never put on breeches, and are left behind, in order to be, it is supposed, the {foundation of additional companies." The Gordons had not learned their lesson in handling the Mac- phersons, for when William Todd, the Duke's factor, wrote on behalf of his Grace's corps to the minister of Aberarder, he hinted at what would be expected of the Macphersons " upon this occasion," and what would THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1/78-83. 89 be the " consequences of their not exerting themselves." Whereupon, the minister replied (April 6, 1778) in a remarkable letter, which may be regarded as the locus classicus of the great recruiting campaign of the period in the north (Gordon Castle Papers) : I am perfectly of your opinion that neither the honour of the country nor attachment to the Duke of Gordon can easily procure a decent number of Volunteers in this country for his Grace's Fensible Regiment. The Duke will therefore have, seemingly, great reason to complain of his tenants in this country, and it will confirm the prejudices he already appears to have, unhappily, conceived against them. Clunie's and Captain Duncan Breckachie son's success in recruit- ing two years ago, and the number lately levyed by officers from this country for the Hamilton Regiment and other new corps, will rivet the belief that our fault will proceed more from the want of inclination and attachment than the want of ability or power to raise men at this time for his Grace's Regiment. However, I beg leave to observe that when the two first-mentioned companies were raised, the country was full of people, and the times were so bad that many of them were starving, or obliged to go to the Low Country to serve as labourers. The two gentlemen, Ralea and Captain Duncan Breckachie, who conducted that recruiting, were indefatigably active. The principal tacksmen and gentlemen, tho' they could give them no assistance, lay by, and allowed every art to be used to inveigle and entrap every man that could be most easily spared. Emissaries were sent to the Low Country, who soon picked up all the natives of this that had straggled thither. A dozen clever fellows, being thus once engaged in a cause, which at that time appeared the less allarming from the frequent emigration to America which immediately preceeded it, soon infused a proper spirit into others. The recruiting their complement became no arduous task. Indeed, the emulation at that time between the several clans engaged (who should first make out their complement of men) had its weight with the common people. I can positively affirm that there was not a gentleman in this country except Captain John Bellachroan, for a week or two in the beginning, who took an active concern for Cluny and still less for Breckachie's son upon that occasion : nor, if they had, would it have answered any good purpose. The spirit of clanship has absolutely ceased, as to its more important consequences, all over the Highlands, and more especially in this country. The principal heads of families have very much fallen off for their circumstances, and proportionable to that is the decrease of their influence among the common people. These, again, are now happyly aiming at independence, and trust to their own industry and protection of the law more than to the precarious support formerly afforded them M QO TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. by their demagogues or heads of tribes. The only instance where gentlemen interfered in Clunie's recruiting soon convinced them of their folly and of the change of spirit among the people : and Ralea soon discovered that the only way for this gentleman was to take no seeming concern, but to leave him to follow his own measures. Captain Maxwell's success here [in raising 67 men for the Fraser Highlanders in 1775], tho' so powerfully recommended [by his sister, Jane Maxwell, Duchess of Gordon], can be easily accounted for from what I have already observed. The gentlemen and principal tacksmen had, really, little or nothing in their power. There was no person appeard at the time in the country for him, to take upon him the horrid drudgery of drinking whisky and to act the recruiting serjeant among the people. Besides, the few remaining sparks of clanship had, by that time, been kindled into a flame, which, with their sympathy for Clunie's misfortunes, made them enlist with their Chieftan in preferance to all mankind. But the fit did not last long. It was truly fortunate for him that his preferment did not depend upon his success in the recruiting, as was once expected at this time. As to the last recruiting we had in this country I need say nothing. You know perfectly well how little credit was due on that occasion to the active concern and influence of our Gentlemen. The all-powerful influence of whisky, uncommon address, to give it no worse name, and the lucky circumstance of your being detained for some time in the Low Country, after the recruiting began, rendered Captain John Bellachroan's and other officers' indefatic- able and persevering industry very nearly effectual in raising their com- plement of men. Yet the half of them were not of this country. Poor passengers and men picked up in other parts of the Highlands and Low Lands composed the bulk of the kind of recruits they brought to the Hamilton Corps. Though the condition to which we are already reduced for want of servants and labourers is deplorable, yet I wish you clearly [to] see that private interest as well as our credit and honour should, upon this occasion, powerfully stimulate us to promote the recruiting in support of his Grace's Patriotic Plan. And it is my opinion that the most effectual method will be that which was practised two years ago in recruiting for Cluny that two Gentlemen of address and character should be pitched upon, one in each end of the country. The whole executive power should be devolved on these : that all the tacksmen should be called to a meeting and separately required to give up upon oath, if found necessary, the name of every man of bad fame or even ambiguous character in the several parishes, and such other hands as could be most easily spared. The feuars should be applyed to for the same purpose. When the list is made out, the recruiting gentlemen should cause all these to be apprehended, brevi manu, and if any interfere THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. QI to protect them these and only these should become obnoxious to his Grace, and be made to feel the weight of his resentment. It would be unfair to execute a general and undistinguishing vengeance upon a number of people whose greatest failure will, I maintain, be occasioned by their poverty, and, consequently, their want of influence over their former dependents and followers. Distressed as we really are for want of servants, I am possitive, if the country was well sifted, it might still supply his Grace with a decent number of recruits without much injury to the honest industrious farmers. Volunteers need hardly be expected. The danger is too remote to raise any apprehensions in the common people of the country's being attacked by a foreign enemy. It is of little consequence what the Gentlemen may think in regard to it ; unless they take up arms and engage in the cause, they will not be believed. The people have been successfully deceived since the middle of the last war by all the recruit- ing officers and their friends. It has constantly been, since that period, the common cant that the recruits were only enlisted for three years, or during a continuance of the war. Yet, they saw or heard of these poor men being draughted into other regiments after their own was reduced, and thus bound for life, instead of the time that they were made to believe. This was a deceit practised more than ever in raising the late levies ; but it has now little effect. Nor will it have much where it ought to have it. The people will not be convinced, not even by giving them written obligations that the Fensible Regiments will not be draughted or kept up longer than till the war is over. They have been so often cheated that they scarce know whom to trust. I have already been using my best endeavours with some of them. Their answer was that for any difference they saw between one regiment and another, they never would take a guinea of levy money from any man, and refuse twenty and even thirty which the Duke of Athole and others are presently offering to good recruits : and that, for any thing they know, the promises of the one may be equally depended upon with that of the other in respect to the time of their service. Some such plan as I have proposed must, I suspect, be followed both in this country and Lochaber. Indeed, the tenants in that country have much the advantage of us here. I am well informed there were only sixteen men carryed away from his Grace's Lochaber estate to the new levies, and not nearly that number about two years ago [for the Fraser Highlanders]. We have been drained in this country at those two periods, and in the interval of them, of some more than two hundred to his Majesty's service. Mr. Macpherson's views were actually put into force in the shape of an " Act for the more Easy and Better Recruiting of His Majesty's 92 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Land Forces and Marine" (18 Geo. III. cap. 53, passed in 1777-8; repealed by 19 Geo. III., cap. 10), known for short as the Comprehending Act. It might well have been called the Apprehending Act, for it was absolutely compulsive in its methods. It divided suitable recruits into three classes : 1. VOLUNTEERS. Men who entered the service of their own accord before May Day, 1779, came under this category. Each Volunteer re- ceived 3 by way of bounty, and could claim discharge at the end of three years' service. 2. LOAFERS. " All able-bodied, idle, and indifferent persons who cannot, upon examination, prove themselves to exercise and industriously follow some lawful trade or employment, or to have some substance sufficient for their support and maintenance," could be impressed. 3. SMUGGLERS. " Any fit and able person who shall be convicted of running goods to the value of not exceeding 403." could be enlisted in lieu of punishment. No person with a Parliamentary vote could be taken, and harvest hands were exempted from May to October on obtaining a certificate. No person under 17 and over 45' years of age was eligible, and none under 5 ft. 4 ins. " without shoes." The officials charged with carrying out the Act were various local authorities. They were summoned by the High Sheriffs in England and by the Sheriffs in Scotland on a mandate from the War Secretary. Churchwardens and specially-appointed constables were then chosen, who had power to search for and apprehend the type of persons enumerated by the Act, and then to bring them before a Justice of the Peace, who could lodge them in jail if necessary. The persons thus apprehended were then forwarded to the Commissioners for approval ; the last stage of all being the handing over the persons so approved to the military authorities on certain payments. The inhabitants of any parish were bound to assist, a bounty of los. accruing to any parishioner who apprehended a man. The Act came just in time for the Duke of Gordon as he recruited for his Northern Fencibles, but, as he found difficulty in grasping its details, he sought the advice of the Lord Advocate, who took a different view of its provisions from that adopted by the Commander-in-Chief in Scotland, Sir James Adolphus Oughton, once described by Boswell as " a man of boundless curiosity and unusual diligence." As Sir James's THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 93 interpretation was the one probably followed, his letter to the Duke, dated Edinburgh, July I, 1778, may be quoted (Gordon Castle Papers]: My Lord, In order to put in execution the Act passed in last session of Parliament for the more Easy and Better Recruiting His Majesty's Land Forces and Marines, Your Grace is immediately to order 13 Officers of the Regiment under your Command to repair to the Towns [sic]: i. Kincardine; 3. Aberdeen; 3. Inverness; I. Banff; I. Caith- ness and Sutherland; 2. Ross and Cromarty ; I. Elgin and Nairn; I. Forfar where they are to apply to the Sheriff-Depute or Substitute, to know the days and districts named by the Commissioners, for putting the Act in force, which they are regularly to attend, and to make weekly returns to the Adjutant-General of North Britain, of the raised, as per the Form in the Act of Parliament. For every Volunteer you are to pay 3 that comes of his own accord and inlists ; and for every man declared a Volunteer by the Commis- sioners, after being apprehended by the constables, 3 and 2Os. to the constables for their trouble, and 2s. to the clerk. To every impressed man 2Os. as expenses to the constables and 2s. to the clerk, and a sum not less than ios. and not exceeding 403. to the parish. Every man fit for service, as expressed in the Act, you are to receive, but upon no account to take men incapable of His Majesty's service. No officer at his peril to offer a man cited to appear before the Commissioners more than 3, on any pretence whatever, and no Fencible to offer above a guinea and a crown. If any does, he shall be brought to a general court martial and tried for disobedience of orders. The officers of the Fencible Regiments now raising in North Britain are only to give a guinea and a crown to each Volunteer, and cannot be entitled to any of the impressed men. Every Volunteer to have it in his option to go to the Fencible Corps at a guinea and a crown or to the Marching Regiments at 3, as he chooses, before the Commissioners begin their examination, but after the examination he cannot be received as a Volunteer, if adjudged within the law. As there are few officers in North Britain at present to attend the different districts that may be appointed to meet, Sir Adolphus Oughton recommends to the officers of the Marching Regiments and Fencibles to be aspiring to one another in the execution of this service, and the officers are to beg of the Commissioners to regulate their meetings in such a way as one or two of them can attend every meeting, especially where the Regular Regiments and Fencible Regiments interfere. N.B. for Volunteers. The Fencibles must pay the 2os. to the constables likewise if apprehended by them. 94 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. A meeting of the Justices of the Peace and Commissioners of Supply was held at Aberdeen on July 29, 1778, convened by the Sheriff for putting the Act into execution, when the county was divided into eight districts, which, with the dates of the sittings of the Commissioners, were as follows : Kirkwood of Crimond Ellon Kincardine Boat of Forbes - Aberdeen - Craigsley - Turriff Huntly August 10, 17. li, 18. 10, 17. 11, 18. 10, 17. 12, 19. 13, 20. 15, 21. As a type of the mandate issued to a constable, one may quote the precept sent to Arthur Sivewright (great grandfather of Sir James Sivewright), who was the constable for the parish of Bellie (Ibid?) : We, the Commissioners subscribing, do hereby command and require you Arthur Siveright, Constable named and appointed for the Parish of Belly, that you furthwith pass and make dilligent search within the said parish, for all able bodied, idle, and disorderly persons, who do not exercise and industriously follow some lawful trade or employment, and who have no subsistence sufficient for their support and maintenance, who are free from ruptures and every other bodily disability, who are not under the age of seventeen, nor above forty five years old, and who are not under the size of five feet four inches without shoes : all which persons you are desired to bring before us or any three or more of the Commissioners of the Elgin district upon the 2Oth day of August current, at a meeting then to be held within the Town house of Elgin in Elgin. On the execution of which service you are hereby empowered to call for the assistance of all the inhabitants within the said parish ; but with certification that if you willingly neglect your duty herein, you will be fined, imprisoned, and punished as the law directs. Given under our hand at Elgin the sixth day of August, 1778 years. ARTHUR DUFF. WILLIAM GORDON. WILLIAM BRODIE. It would seem as if some of the officers engaged in raising Fencible regiments declined to avail themselves of the Act. Among these was Lord Frederick Campbell, who thought it " beneath the idea of Fen- cibles to incorporate Comprehensibles with them." Recording this THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 95 decision to the Duke of Gordon, Charles Gordon of Braid wrote to his Grace on July ii, ; 1778, as follows (Ibid.}: I understand he is mighty anxious to get ahead of your Grace. I hope in this he will be disappointed ; but, as I understand your Grace is now scrupulously nice on the quality of your Fencibles, might it not be proper, in the view of being just compleated, to reserve your weeding until you have supernumeraries? The Duke, himself, had some of Campbell's scruples, for he wrote on July 5 : It will be no disappointment to me if I don't get such men as may be adjudged under the authority of the Comprehending Act. Hitherto I have none but real volunteers, and my wish is not to admit any other into my corps. There is ample evidence that the Act was not popular with the authorities, and many little difficulties cropped up. Major Mercer, for example, had a strong objection to a recruiting sergeant named Gunn, who had been appointed by the Duke's uncle, Lord Adam Gordon, to attend the meeting of officers engaged in carrying out the provisions of the Act. Mercer describes Gunn (July 19, 1778) as "the most consummate recruiting hero of the age," adding, as if to keep up his reputation as a scholar: "I do not believe that Julius Caesar would be a match for Serjeant Gun at the drum head." At Aberdeen on August 17, no men were brought before the Commissioners. Captain A. P. Cumming of Gordonstoun thought (July 26) that the gentlemen of Elgin should " engage in their business with more spirit than at present they seem inclined to do," and he was, " hurt at their being so lukewarm." Elgin was divided into three districts. " 'Twill be necessary," wrote Cumming on the same occasion, " a great number of Constables shou'd be made by way of showing we are in earnest." Then there was the rivalry of different gentlemen recruiting differ- ent corps. At the meeting in Huntly, August 15, Gordon of Craig "ex- pressed some words that Leith-hall," who was interested in the raising of the 8 1st regiment, "took exception at, which caused the company to break up very abruptly." Leith-hall, wrote William Bell of Coclar- achie, " seemed to carry the matter, I thought, very high. I wish there may not be a challenge in the case." In some cases the " comprehended " were divided. Thus at Craigsley on August 20, one of three men was 96 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. handed over to Captain Leith for the 8ist ; two others went to Lieutenant Mowat on behalf of the Duke's Fencibles. Mowat tells us that At Huntly [on August 22] there were three men brought before the Commissioners ; but upon examination were not found to come within the description of the Act of Parliament, and therfore were released. The Provost of Aberdeen ordered one, Donaldson, to be taken up, who afterwards inlisted with him for us [the Northern Fencibles]. Notwithstanding the help suggested by the Comprehending Act, the Duke had to fall back on the bounty, though several of his cor- respondents felt that it was too small. Indeed, it seems to have increased, for the Forsyths of Huntly, writing on May 22, speak of 2 is. allowed by the Duke for recruits. Alexander Baillie writing from Cradlehall on April 30, declared that the very high bounty, which had drained his part of the country, would have an effect, " which will be severely felt by all recruiting officers for some time to come." A practical experience of this prophecy is given by Alexander Milne, Drumin, who writing on May 3 relates the result of a meeting he called in Deskrie public house (Gordon Castle Papers] : When a little warmed, the greater part of them declared their strongest attachment to His Grace, and would do all in their power to promote his honour that way ; and severalls of them proposes to go with me to wait on His Grace, and also goes with me to Tomantoul upon Tuesday first in order to shew their zeal, attachment and readyness to follow His Grace in any station he was pleased to appoint them ; but at the same time complained of the smallness of the enlisting money as our country had greater aversion to recruiting or recruiting parties. Very much the same feeling was experienced by Lieutenant Godsman, who, writing from Dunain, May 3, said (Ibid?) : I have made proposalls to those nearest at hand, who I thought might be induced to enter into the service ; but when they are informed of the bounty money they broke off further treaty. . . . This part of the country has been the seat of recruiting for this long while past, and the officers have been very often obliged to give such extravagant bounty money that the idea of receiving great sums cannot be defaced from the minds of the people. Nor did this inducement end with mere money payment. Recruits constantly insisted on a quid pro quo in the shape of an advantage in their leases, or some other benefit, and the wheedling by whisky was THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 97 practically universal. A case in which both factors operated was that of John Gordon in Auchmair in the Cabrach, who told his story in a petition to the Duke (Ibid?) : That about three weeks ago when your Grace was at Hardhaugh, your petitioner attended there as the rest in the country did. He must acknowledge that your Grace used him very kindly. But after he had got himself a little in liquor, Mr. Bell plyed him verry hard to inlist, being informed that he had served for some years in the last French war. At last, he offered to serve your Grace as his chief, upon condition that he would get his ffather's tack at the expiry therof without any hight [sic] or grassome : and that he should be entred as a sergeant. But this Mr. Bell sayed that your Grace could not do, as there were too many sergeants already promised, but that your petitioner should get a letter of tack upon his ffather's possession, be entered as a corporall, and the first sergeant that hapned to be broke in the regiment he should be sure of his place. Your petitioner must plainly tell your Grace that he was so much overtaken with liquor that he does not particularly remember what after hapned which he now greatly repents. That your petitioner presently possesses a reasonable possession, and, thank God, is in verry good circumstances, and had no occassion to enter into the Army. Besides, he has a verry well behaved discreet woman to his wife, a gentleman's daughter, who by his late bad conduct and behaviour has done her more hurt than possibly she will ever recover : and, there- fore, if your Grace will not appoint him a sergeant, he is determined not to go into your regiment as a privat man, be the consequence what it will. Therefor, he beggs your Grace will take his case to your considera- tion, and either appoint him a sergeant, or allow him the same pay, or dispense with him altogether. This may be the John Gordon, concerning whom Major Mercer writes from Elgin on August 9 (Ibid?) : Gordon, who refuses to do the duty of a private man, was confined about half an hour ago. He has just sent word to me that he will fall into the ranks if his Grace will give him an obligation in writing that he shall have the farm which his father once had upon the demise of the present possessor. I only mention this circumstance to show you what a dog the fellow is. I think he should certainly be tried and punished. John Stuart offered his services (July 24) on condition that the Duke gave his father, Charles, and his brother full possession of Bachonish and Badgaish against Whitsunday, his father farming only half of Bachonish. Sometimes the conditions were made by tenants who promised to get recruits. James Cameron writes from Kinrara, July II, that N Q8 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. There is an honest namesake of mine possess'd of one of the Knocks of Kincardine. He is doing his best to get a man for the Duke, but has hitherto been unsuccessful!. I frequently hear that he is to be dispossess'd of his farm. I well know that I am not entitled to ask favours (for myself or another) : yet, my anxiety for my poor namesake has made me muster up resolution to begg a singular favour, if con- venient, to let me know what is to be the fate of this same Cameron. The Camerons were not " blate," for James Cameron, younger of Kinlochleven, wrote in May (Ibid?): If your Grace will give me the farm .of Kilmanivaig and Brackletter for five years, I can furnish your Grace two handsome men to-morrow. I would be glad to give my assistance to your Grace without those terms, but, as it is not in my power to accomodate the freinds of those who go, I am oblidged to ask these, as I [have] no lands of my own. There were cases when a man bargained for his rank. Thus Donald McBain from Bon-naughton " spoke " to going into the ranks on condi- tion of being appointed a sergeant and getting a new lease of his farm. Another case was that of Donald McDonald. On June 15 he had been sent by Lieutenant Godsman with a letter to Ross asking the latter to give him all encouragement " as he was teaching a school before, and is capable of writting, compting, and teaching of both languages." Ross was in Aberdeen when McDonald arrived at Fochabers ; so he was taken by Ross's clerk to the Duchess. She advised him to enlist, which he did ; but he petitioned the Duke to give him a better position than that of a " single soldier only." The conciliation of the women had also to be taken into account. For instance, the Rev Alexander Cameron, Findron, wrote to Ross, on September 28, that a woman from Corgarff, who had three handsome sons in the Fencibles and who was totally destitute in consequence of their absence, wanted a croft in the Findron neighbourhood. He adds that he " gloried " that of his " small congregation," 16 and 17 had 'listed, " which in my narrow sphere I did all in my power to promote." A peculiar case was that of Duncan Campbell, who entered as a volunteer upon account of Mrs. Todd. He had occupied a pendicle with his brother at the east end of Garvabegg. A Mrs. Clark, who had the principal tack and possessed the other end, was so angry at his 'listing instead of entering her service that she threatened his brother-in-law " with the utmost severity of oppression." Campbell petitioned Ross to get his THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1/78-83. 99 pendicle in his own name and that of his brother-in-law. This was not a solitary case of danger threatening a recruit in his absence : Duncan McGregor had 'listed on the understanding that he was to have the fourth part of the farm of Blairacuran in Lochaber. But in his absence he found that it had been " set upon by two young lowse lads," and he petitioned Ross, July 18, to restore his rights. The Duke on his part frequently gave his recruits written obliga- tions. For instance he wrote to a man, June 2 (Ibid') : As you have just now furnished me with five men for my regiment of Fencible men, I hereby promise and engage that, at the end of James McBarnet's lease upon the farm of Kyllichownet and Inachan at Whit- sunday, 1784, you shall be put in possession of the same with the usual sheallings. ... In the meantime .... I have ordered you to be put in possession of the farm of Auchacharr and the grazing of Craigguanach for six years. Here is another more formal obligation, signed by the Duke at Drumin, July 1 1 (Ibid?) : In respect William Stewart, son of the deceased Donald Stewart in Mains of Achriachan, has frankly entered as a volunteer in my regiment, and that he is connected with several respectable people in my estate of Strathaven, I hereby promise that when the current leases expire, I shall give him a preference upon equal terms to some farm in that estate of equal extent, as may be suitable to the circumstances, providing he behaves himself properly so long as he continues in my regiment. A natural feature of the recruiting of farming folk was the demand they made to get off at harvest time. Cosmo Gordon, a recruit from Glenlivet, who had left no one on his croft but his fifteen-year-old daughter, sent a petition from Fort George on September 7 (Ibid.'} : I hope yo'll consider my circumstance, as I have my crop without any mankind to take care of it. I have my cattle at the same time as ever I had, for I did not dispose of anything I had for this year ; but, plase God, it shall not be so another year the same way. In the mine time, I'm affraid that his Grace has forgot me. It sinks my heart much in the time, and I hop in God his Grace shall never allow me to wear this common regementels no more at present. On the very same date, September 7, William Macpherson in sending some men from Invereshie begged Major Mercer to look after them (Ibid) : As all of them have some cattle to look after in the country and 100 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. some of their parents are poor farmers who would require the assistance of their sons at some seasons in the year, I flatter myself that they will be indulged with as frequent and long furloughs as the service will permit Charles Stewart, Drumin, writes to Ross, September 22, that Thomas Cruikshank's wife is his "daily stranger [sic], wanting him to return for a few weeks to help her to shear their puckle corn." The familiarity of the tenants towards the Duke was a relic of the old feeling of loyalty towards the chief which still lingered in spite of the Rev. Robert Macpherson's pessimistic outlook. Thus we find Lieutenant Godsman writing (May 3) that the Duke's own presence on the different parts of his estate would "make the business go on most successfully." Alexander Macpherson, writing on May 9 from Fort William, says that the people " in general " expressed the desire " of offering their services to the Duke personally rather than any other way " : and Baillie Mac- pherson wrote that a hundred men might be got in Lochaber, " provided the Duke was to appear in person to demand them." A similar expres- sion of opinion appears in a letter which Captain George Mackay of Bighouse wrote to the Duke on August 13 (Ibid.}: The people in this country are so much attached to their masters that with them they do not scruple going to any distant country. But I was afraid, should I send a part of the men away and I do not go with them .... they would take it in there heads they were to be sent to other regiments, and not to your Grace's ; which would occasion a great stagnation in my recruiting. On August 14 (so great was the urgency of the case), he wrote to Ross (Ibid) : I am certain, was I to send any men from this country and I not go with them, as they are unexperienced as yet with any kind of discipline, it would put a totale stope to my geting any more men in the North to his Grace's Regiment. Captain Lachlan Mclntosh writes on similar lines from Craighouse, June 27 (Ibid): I must particularly beg that your Grace will not call for any of my recruits till such time as I am compleat, in any event nearly so : other- wise, my success in the recruiting would totally be at an end, as still the country people entertain strong doubts of my at all intending going alongst with them myself : so that ordering my men out of the country THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. IOI untill I am called for wou'd confirm them in such opinion, and con- sequently prevent my getting a single man : and the more so, as your Grace is sensible how much this country is already drained of men. The same spirit of recognition of chieftainship comes out in a letter which Angus McDonell wrote from Inch to Ross on July 8, thanking him and the Duke for looking after his son when the latter was ill (Ibid) : May heaven reward his Grace for his humanity and condescension in taking such notice of him. It was really very great and noble. Believe, his Grace's goodness on that occation has laid me under the greatest obligation : so much [so], that if I can get the mother to agree to my sending another son under the Duke's banner, I will send him with the greatest pleasure. But this is what I cannot immediately propose to her considering her present grief. If these Highlanders were grateful, there is clear proof that their services were appreciated, their presence giving certain distinction and character to a corps. Thus we find Charles Gordon (of Braid?) writing to the Duke from Edinburgh, on July 6 (Ibid) : I wish your Grace had found room for the Camerons and Macpher- sons. They were generally great feathers in the wings of your family, and Lochiel in all probability will soon have what formerly belonged to his predecessors. Your Grace will have full credit for any exertion made by such auxiliarys as parts of your natural following: whereas, such a potentate as McEssie, who knew how to make the most of every part of his consequence, may be apt to make his own account with the publick. So much from the vassals' point of view : but just as they bargained with his Grace, so the Duke, or his representatives, used his power as landlord to bring pressure to bear on the tenants. Of this there is ample evidence in several very interesting letters. Thus Alexander Cameron, Letterfinlay, writes, July 29, about the case of one Alexander Breck : I hope he had not the assurance to tell that he did it [enlist] willingly. To the contrary, it was with the outmost compulsion I offered him twice in your presence to engage and I wou'd continue him upon the same ffooting with the rest of the subtenants of the Lo[rds]h[i]p. I repeated[ly], times thereafter, endeavoured to prevail with him. His return always was a fflat denyall ; upon which, I have sett his lands to other people and threatned to eject him instantly:, which was the only cause that induced him to go to serve. 102 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. In the same spirit Todd, of Ruthven, had indicated to the Rev. Robert Macpherson " what would be expected of the Macphersons," and " what would be the consequences of their not exerting themselves " : while Ross wrote to Captain Mackintosh, July 22 (Ibid.} : Tho' I do not doubt but next post may bring a compleat return of your complement of 50, yet I flatter myself you think it incumbent upon you to make a proper compensation of several men you have got, who would have come the Duke's way, if you had not been in the play. And besides, I imagine your father and you would not chuse to be behind with your neighbours, Invereshie and Benchar, who, tho' not concerned in the regiment, are bestirring themselves to raise recruits for the Duke upon this occasion. Don't suspect me of joking on this subject. It was, indeed, nearly impossible that a laird in recruiting should resist bullying methods, for the State had placed in his hand various schemes, notably the Comprehending Act, for putting on the thumb- screw, so that as Bell of Coclarachie wrote (May 18) that the people in his part of the country were in " a kind of panic, imagining they were to be laid hands upon." Although the Duke declared his dislike of the Act as a method of recruiting for the Northern Fencibles, men were brought to him under its provisions. Even in Aberdeen itself, which was out of the Duke's direct jurisdiction, and where the " Devil " had "got into the fellows," Lieutenant Finlason told Ross (July 26) that " a number of them begin to shake now that they see the Press Act over their heads." Lieutenant John Spens of the Black Watch wrote on September 24, that he had been in Orkney and received the " im- pressed men." He got William Taylor to go to the Duke's regiment, handing him over to Lieutenant Sutherland, Dunbeath. On July 21, Macpherson of Invereshie offered the Duke a deserter from the Black Watch itself. Here is an example where the Comprehending Act was recommended. Robert Willox wrote from Gaulrig, August 26 (Ibid} : There is one Robert Cruickshank from this countree that listed with Braehead. What made him list was in order to proteck his son from being a shogeer. The son is a very handsome recruit. Three years ago I mett him hunting and took his gun, which I delivered to the Duke of Gordon. The fellow thought to shut [shoot] me, and brunt priming at my breast. I think this brings him within the Comprehend- ing Act. If you think proper, I shall cause apprehend him and send him to his Grace's regiment. THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 103 On August 22, Bell of Coclarachie wrote to Ross about another case (Ibid) : There is one James Gray in Collithie will be brought before the [Comprehending Act] Commissioners for taking the Duke's birk wood in Tulliminate, taken in the act by John Pirie, the forester. He is an ill tongued fellow, and I hope you will insist against him. He will pretend lameness, but Dr. Shand said he might be a sudier [soldier]. Also John Wright for taking wood this summer ; proved by William Malcom in Greenhaugh. There is one Walker also for cutting wood some years ago, accused by Captain Leith, whom he attempted to strike with the ax when he took him cutting the wood. There is one Stewart taken up in Mill-hill. He has a bad character and the country, almost in one voice, want to be clear of him. The particular matter against him is stealing peats. William Martin was in the hands of the constable, one you know. These are the men that ought to be made examples of in the first place. Several cases of acts of this kind appear. The Duke himself caught five men James Morison, James Hay, Alexander Forbes, and Thomas Morison all in Nether Dallachy, and Peter Scott in Achinhalrig in the act of pilfering his potatoes (November 20). Instead of prosecuting them, he gave them the option of choosing one of their number for the Fencibles. They agreed to draw lots : each of the other four agreeing to pay to the one chosen the sum of 255. over and above the Duke's bounty. Lieutenant Shaw wrote, July 27, that there were " severals in Badenoch and on Deeside that has been in constant use of killing your Grace's deer that the country could well spare ; a list of whom I shall send to your Grace, if agreeable." The Act sometimes defeated itself through the over-zealousness of those who put it into practice. A case is brought out by Ross, who complained (August 14) to William Milne, factor, Braehead, that the constables had brought in men who would not have been adjudged had they been brought to trial (Ibid) : I am afraid this will have a bad effect on the recruiting in Strath- aven and Glenlivet, and am therefore laid under the disagreeable necessity of desiring you to take another jaunt into these countrys in order to do something that may tend to rouse such of the people as are thought fittest for entering the military life. What I wish is that you go there the beginning of next week, and, after informing yourself from the Gentlemen who know the characters and circumstances of the people best, that you cause the constables to 104 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. apprehend one or two persons who really fall within the description of the Act ; whom I would have kept in custody and brought before the Commissioners. Nor would I be sorry that one was actually adjudged and delivered over to a marching regiment, as I'm persuaded it would have a great effect upon others, who presently keep off, in hopes that they will not be disturbed or at most only forced to enter with the Fencibles at last. At the same time I have no objection to your endeavouring to frighten others, who, tho' not falling literally within the description of the Act, may be well spared from the country ; of whom I imagine there are many ; and I shall be glad that Ensign [William] Gordon of Minmore get the benefit of these operations. While you are in that country, I beg you will get me exact and certain intelligence of the characters and circumstances of the people who granted bills for the wood penalties, because such of them as are not able to pay and are fit for being Fencibles ought to inlist accord- ingly ; and others of them in better circumstances who do not furnish men must lay their account with paying directly. The recruiting officers found difficulty in administering the Act through the opposition of the women relatives of its victims. An excit- ing experience is recounted from Inverness on October 9, by Lieutenant Shaw (Ibid) : The Constables, assisted by me and two of my men, apprehended one McBean, a residenter on Macintosh's estate. He is a remarkable stoute fellow and his conduct plainly brings him within the description of the Press Act. But, as no other supporter of irregularities could then be had, and notwithstanding McBean's being of the laird of Macintosh's people, Captain John Dow McPherson's lady appear'd on [sic] the head of upwards of sixty men and women with staves and stones sufficient to attact Tingal himself. Their Godess declar'd McBean should not move a step further, and all said in the words of the Ephesians that blessed was the words of their Diana. I behaved with all possible politeness to her, being a woman, and though she had a bad cause ; but the sacrament had been that day administered to her ; her violence led her so far as to call me an eternal scounderal etc. ! I should have made her bow, but, being so unexpectedly attacted, an ungarded spark kindled in my breast that led me to tell her that none but an ill bred hissie durst tell me so ; you know she is Uire's [ ?] own daughter. However the Justices was under a necessity to interfeer. McBean's tryall commenced and, as the proof will come out cleare against him, he will be worth some three to the Duke. All this pressure told not merely on the people and through them on the Duke, but the opposition of rival recruiting projects impinged THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 105 even more severely upon him. Besides the competition of his kinsman, the laird of Fyvie, the Duke had to face the fascinations of the Atholl and Hamilton Regiments, for the latter of which Lieutenant John Macpherson (formerly Ensign in the 6th Regiment) had raised 45 men, two of them from the Duke's estates. Lieutenant John Grant in Rippachie, writing Ross on July 12, gives a typical instance (Ibid.}: Two light-head fellows, fine recruits, servants of my own, on Friday last at the fair of Tarland, has [sic] it seems, been tampering with some recruiting party, who pretends to have given them money, but which they deny receiving. They offered the smart in due time, but it was refused. On July 13, James Grant writes from Tomintoul (Ibid.}: As I was passing by Tomintoull, I enterfeired with a young lad, who declared to me before Glenbucket and severall oyrs that he was willing to goe volanteir to serve his Grace without taking money for to goe for any oyr man whatever. James Cameron in Billanlish had been offerring him money for to goe for him. Glenbucket and I enter- feired for the young lad's goeing volentier to his Grace, which the lad agreed to before all that was present. Lieutenant John Rose, of Calder's Company, wrote to the Duke from Nairn, July 5, that the express he had sent to McDonnell younger of Barrisdale with the beating order had been " trepanned " and made a soldier for the McDonnell Regiment. Perhaps the Duke, himself, was not free from blame. At anyrate, James Macgregor wrote to Ross from Pittyvaich on July 31 that a part of his Grace's recruits had carried off one of Lord Fife's tenants " in a forcible manner," and he complained specially of Sergeant Charles Gordon. Coming to the normal conditions of recruiting we find whisky in universal use. The minister of Aberarder had groaned over the " horrid drudgery " of whisky drinking, and Charles Gordon of Braid advised the Duke (May 1 3) on going to the Highlands to " enliven the different musters of the different districts with one or two good pipers. The musick and the whisky," he adds, " are powerful in rousing the martial spirit and even creating it, I find." The Duke in fact tried all devices, including a request to the learned and non-martial Dr. Beattie to help him in recruiting. It is significant that only one man advocated the use of the newspaper. Advertisement had been used from the 106 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. outside, for on December 7, 1778, a professional recruiter informed the citizens of Aberdeen through the Journal that he would help : Whereas a speedy supply of able recruits are often wanted in the established regiments, new raised regiments, and corps of Fencible men, a gentleman, resident in London, who has served in the army a number of years with reputation, and who is at this period employed under the Secretary at War in recruiting, undertakes in the most expeditious manner, directly or indirectly, to raise any number of able men for His Majesty's service on the most reasonable terms. Address for A. B., to be left at Ashley's Punch House, Ludgate Hill, London. Captain Lachlan Mclntosh, writing from Inverness, July 3, says that some of the townsfolk suggested advertising for recruits and offering the freedom of the town to anyone who enlisted in the writer's company. Others suggested that the town should pay two guineas to anyone who brought a recruit. The sum total of all the devices was, however, a pretty uphill fight. Let us look at the results in certain districts. One would have thought that the Enzie as essentially Gordon land would be enthusiastic, but when Alexander Gordon at Landends called a meeting of his fellow tenants, the attendance was " thin." A second meeting was called, but, according to Alexander Chalmers, Tynet, in a letter to the Duke, July 30, " not many attended " (Ibid) : As each tenant had little chance of procuring a man, it was agreed to associat ourselves into parties, and that each party should endeavour to procure by all fair means one or more men for your Grace's service. Agreeable to this concert, I associat myself with Mrs. Reid and her son in Resting-hillock, Alexander and William Gordons in Landends [and four others], and we present to your Grace a man, who, we hope, will fitt the service, and you will find very willing for the service. This we propose as a beginning, and every one in our society have agreed to go on in using all fair endeavours to procure as many men as we can, and such as we know the country can best spare. Lieutenant Shaw gives a rather gloomy account of his experience in Badenoch (Ibid) : I enlisted men, but their original superiors, always watchful behind the curtain to thwart my measures, lodged smart money for them without their own knowledge or consent, tho' they afterwards prevail'd upon them to acknowledge it as a lawful deed : some of whom have been sent to His Grace the Duke of Gordon as if enlisted at St. Comb's market. They only enlisted a few days before they were sent down. One of THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. IO/ them, according to my information, inlisted the very day they set of from Badenoch. On July i William Macpherson of Invereshie wrote to William Todd in a pessimistic mood : I do not believe that there is a single man in Badenoch who will now accept of a commission in the Fencibles on the condition of raising the ordinary complement of men over and above the men that have and that will be sent to the Duke, because I am of opinion that none of them would now accomplish it without taking a very wide range and expending more money than would be either expedient or prudent. If it was difficult to get recruits in the territory where the Duke was a power from his position as a landlord, it was still more difficult for him to succeed in Aberdeen, where he was of little or no importance. The invitation to the people of Aberdeen to join his banner was done by dispersing handbills, the town sergeants, who accomplished the distribution, being accompanied " with the sound of drums, fifes, bag- pipes, sackbuts, psalteries and all kinds of musical instruments." Even the town, however, expected a quid pro quo, for the Provost intimated (May u) that the Town Council would raise a company, provided the town could have the call on 50 or 100 men in case of emergency. Not- withstanding this arrangement, progress was slow. On June 2, Major Mercer wrote (Ibid.} : My prospect of success in the recruiting way is at present extremely poor, for I must say that the people in office here seem to testify much indifference upon the subject. As the interest of His Grace and my honour are at stake, I thought it necessary to write him freely on the occasion. I am extremely sensible of the honour which the Duke has done me, and I am sincerely attached to his person and interest, for which reason I will never join with my townsmen, the Magistrates, in carrying on a farce when real exertions are requisite. I am, therefore, resolved to speak forth early, in order that His Grace may have time to adopt, if necessary, a new plan, and to form connexions, which may be of more advantage to the recruiting of the Regiment, than those in which he is at present engaged with me and my lukewarm constituents. You will soon hear of a public procession, that is to be made here on Friday next in favour of the Regiment. My friends will certainly attend upon that occasion, but, altho' they are numerous and respectable in this place, I much doubt whether they are the sort of people who will be able to do my business, and I am still afraid that I shall be in the unhappy predicament of the hare with many friends. Sir Adolphus 108 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Oughton, after praising the good intentions of the people of the good town of Aberdeen, has in a late letter to our Provost ordered our town's militia to be disbanded, the mode of their proceedings being found contrary to Act of Parliament. In the close of his letter he signifies that the zeal of Aberdeen will be most acceptable to Government, if directed towards promoting the levies of the Fencible Regiments ; but I do not imagine that this hint will be attended with any immediate good effect, as the people who had enrolled themselves in the trainbands will for some time continue outrageous at being deprived of the use of their firelocks. Mr. Findlayson has been very successfull in his recruiting, for as he started long before Mowat and me; he had an opportunity to engage in his interest all those myrmidons who are commonly in the pay of recruiting officers, and, whilst the Town Council continues inactive, I can boast no advantage over any recruiting party. On June 19 the Magistrates, accompanied by the principal citizens, made a parade through the streets, along with Major Mercer and Lieutenant Mowat and their recruiting party, for the purpose of en- couraging recruits to enter the city company. Accordingly, several " stout fellows " entered with the Major, and when the procession was over the Magistrates ordered a hogshead of Rigg's fine home brewed porter to be distributed among the " populace." On July 5, Mercer is in quite a hopeful mood, for he writes (Ibid?) : When I got to Aberdeen, I found the whole town ringing with the fame of the Duke's recruits. A number of people came about me to learn the truth of the matter, and some of Seaforth's officers in particular asked me if the Fencible recruits were as handsome as their company of Grenadiers : to which I answered with much appearance of modesty that all I could say of the Duke's recruits was that they had the persons of men and the faces of angels. Everybody admired the extreme caution and reserve with which I expressed my sentiments : but [the] Lord Provost seems to me to be a good deal crestfallen. On the other hand, Lieutenant Finlason was quite pessimistic when he wrote, July 26, that " the Devil has got into the fellows here, for no pains or means I can devise will make them enlist." Even Mercer returned next day to his earlier mood (Ibid?) : Mr. Bruce told me what I well knew from experience to be true : that men are at present very difficult to be had, and added that, if his ill success continued, he would upon the expiration of a fortnight or thereabouts relinquish his military views. The poor man seemed much embarassed, and, I am persuaded, looked upon me at the beginning of our conversation to be one of his bitterest enemies on account of some THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 1 09 squabble which had happened in the course of our recruiting. I must do Provost Jopp the justice to say that he got me a recruit last week. Bruce, writing on July 29, says he is not astonished that the Duke's patience is " nearly run out " : I am in greate degree myself astonished and find much more difficulty than I could ever have apprehended. My want of success was not owing to remiss trifling. The real scarcity of men is the ingenious cause. As late as November n, he was penning the same sort of jeremiad (Ibid) : I have done the outmost in my power and to no purpose. After proclaming publickly with the drum and ofring six pounds ster. for a man, Aberdeen seems to be entirely drain'd, both toun and country, that I am diffident of suckseding. Deeside proved an equally uphill task. Lieutenant Shaw, who recruited in the Invercauld and Abergeldie country, told the Duke, July 13, that in the absence of the lairds of these places he had found it hard to convince " the vulgar " of the constitution of the Duke's regiment. " They are not pretty much satisfied that they are not to go out of the kingdom. . . . The prettiest young lad in the country I have inlisted this day. He is but 18 years of age, and measures 5 feet ioj4 inches. He writes and figures and comes of respectable parents : from all which I have ventured to promise him a halbert." Shaw soon gave up Deeside, leaving it to friends, who, however, did " not act agreeable to their promise." He then turned his attention to Sutherland, only to find that Captain Sutherland, Dunrobin, had persuaded " all his country " that they were soon to have a regiment of their own. Shaw ultimately worked his way down to Badenoch, where he was hardly more success- ful. On July 7, Lord Haddo set out from Aberdeen with Gordon of Hallhead, for Cromar, " to enlist, attest and depopulate the whole of it." But his success was not alarming. One of the men he got (June 18) was Charles Gordon (age 26 : height 6 feet) described as a " writer," and born at Glenmuick. He was made a sergeant. The Duke, however, set his face against incompetents, for despite all his difficulties he announced himself (August 28) as being " positively determined against appointing any one who is not fit for actual service, even altho' there should be precedents in other Fencible corps." HO TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. So slowly did the recruiting go that the Duke wrote to Lord Barrington on July 3, 1778, for an extension of time (W.O. i : 997) : I received your Lordship's letter of the 4th June, enclosing a copy of your letter to Sir Adolphus Oughton [the commander-in-chief in North Britain] relative to the enforcing of the recruiting Act in North Britain, and I have received several letters upon the subject from Sir Adolphus, all of which I shall attend to. Several circumstances pre- vented me from setting the recruiting business agoing immediately after I had the honour to receive His Majesty's Letter of Service, and since my arrival in this country I have met with some very unexpected dis- appointments [in the officers]. Notwithstanding which, I made a return the 1st of this month to the Adjutant General at Edinburgh, of 543 men including sergeants and drummers and I flatter myself the recruiting will now go on very successfully. I am sensible, however, that it will not be in my power to compleat my Regiment within the time expressed by my Letter of Service ; and therefore I now entreat your Lordship to prolong the period and to continue the pay of the establishment as an aid to recruiting for some months longer. At the same time your Lord- ship may be assured that I shall exert myself to the utmost to compleat the corps as soon as possible. The first men had been enlisted in April, which produced but 21. The figures gradually rose as follows (Gordon Castle Papers) : Sergeants. Drummers. Rank and File. July i - 22 7 514 July 18- 24 613 August i 29 15 704 August 16 36 17 786 August 30 - 38 17 869 September 13 - 40 17 933 September 27 - 41 18 962 Even as late as December 30, 1778, the regiment was not complete, for on that date the Duke wrote from Gordon Castle to Barrington's successor at the War Office, Charles Jenkinson, the future Lord Liverpool (W.O. I : 997) : I am sorry to give you this trouble so soon after your coming into office; but, as Lord Barrington by his letter of the I4th of this month has ordered that my Agent should commence the non-effective account of my Regiment from the 25th of October, I must request of you to give me a little further indulgence, and that the non-effective fund may be continued in aid of recruiting to the 25th of this month [Dec.]. I hope you will not think this an unreasonable demand, considering the small bounty money we are allowed to give and the unavoidable expense I have been at in raising my Regiment. THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. in I only want 45 men to make me quite compleat, and I flatter myself I shall soon be able to raise them, tho' the very great bounties that the officers in other regiments are giving is certainly a great prejudice to us, who are only allowed to give a guinea. Probably as a fillip to the recruiting, we find Alexander Duthie, Aberdeen, paying the following amounts to Alexander Gunn, late ser- geant in the 26th Foot ; 20 on December 29, 1778 ; 10 on December 30; and 40 on January 4, 1779. Another undated item shows that he got 10 "towards recruiting expenses for the Dutchess of Gordon," proving that she lent her aid towards getting men. The regiment is variously titled. The first muster roll (W.O. 13: 3,900) calls it "H.M. Regiment of North Fencible Highlanders." The Notifications Book (W.O. 25 : 148) in announcing the first commissions calls it the " Northern Regiment of Fencible Men." The Army List of 1782 calls it the " Northern Regiment of Fencible Men in North Britain." As a rule, it is called the " Northern Fencibles." Stewart of Garth simply uses the word " Gordon." The regiment was dressed in Highland costume. Apart from any desire the Duke of Gordon may have had to play the chief, this was a highly politic move considering the character of his recruits, for nothing had wounded the pride of the clans so much as the suppression of the philabeg in 1746. As a matter of fact, this harsh measure was not repealed until 1782, by an Act in which occurs the first official record of the kilt. There was something, therefore, very ironic in the Govern- ment's uniforming some of its regiments in the garb of old Gaul. Un- fortunately we do not know what tartan was adopted. On May 29, the firm of W. and A. Forsyth, Huntly, wrote regretting that " so much time is lost in resolving on the patterns of plaids." The hose were of scarlet. The men wore blue bonnets with plumed feathers, the sergeants wearing " ostridge " ones. This decision was not reached without care- ful consideration. On August 28, the Duke wrote to Arthur Mair, of Cox and Mair, the Army Agents, that, " while he did not wish to bring unnecessary expense on himself, or the men, he thought they would look better with feathers." He requested Mair to determine whether the cock's feather, or worsted, would be " the most proper." Mair replied that a cock's feather would look better, and its cost was only sevenpence. 112 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. The Grenadiers had caps with silver-plated fronts, scarlet tassels, cockades with buttons, and loops with a touch of yellow round the cockades. The Light Infantry had caps with swordproof crowns, and "fur round" The equipment of the regiment was a fine thing for the local manufacturers, who were not slow to remember the value of this aspect of territorial soldiering. Thus, the Forsyths of Huntly supplied plaids for 1,010 privates and 22 drummers. Forsyth of Elgin, Umphray of Fochabers, McVeagh of Huntly, and Ross, tailor in Fochabers, supplied various goods, the last named charging only sixpence for the making of a kilt. James Philp, junior, and James Shepherd, Fochabers, offered to make goat skin knapsacks at five shillings and calf skin ones at four- and-six. Besides these, the more elaborate parts of the uniform came from Bray and Fraser of Brewer Street, London, and from William Dickey, London, who despatched his goods from London by the " Charlotte " on August 14, the remainder coming on by a smack " Duke of Gordon," which arrived on September 20. The initial bill for clothing and equipping the regiment ran into "4,7 1 2 odd, allotted as follows : Alexander Forsyth & Son, Elgin . . . . 15 3 I W. & A. Forsyth, Huntly (tartan) .... 1,779 2 o Harry McVeagh & Co., Huntly (shirts) . . . 192 11 10 William Dickey, London (facings, etc.) . . . 1,284 8 11 Alexander Umphray & Sons, Fochabers . . . 101611 Bray and Fraser, London J.SS ! 5 *% Total of equipment in 1778 4,712 4 3^ Recruiting expenses in 1778 ii3O4 4 n Expense of Raising the Regiment .... 6,0 1 6 g 2}4 Between April, 1779, and January, 1780, a further sum of 3,468 i8s. I id. was paid for clothing; and between 1778 and March 11, 1780, the paymaster disbursed 8,725 igs. 8^d. The Highland character of the regiment was further emphasised by the employment of pipers Roderick Mackenzie, attested March 15, 1778, and John Macpherson, attested April 16. One reads with surprise in a letter by Alexander Milne, Drumin, March" 3, that " there is only one man in these countrys that plays on the pipe." On August i, Major Chisholm wrote to the Duke from Moniack : " My brother has as good a Highland piper as is now in the north. He has consented to let your Grace have him for a few years if you are not already provided with THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 113 one. The piper himself is very willing to serve your Grace, provided he could get his son along with him (as he is now teaching him the pipes) as a drummer or fifer." Fifes were also used, for Alexander Godsman, Dunain, wrote that Blair, music master, Inverness, was willing to teach the boys to play the fife at los. 6d. a month each, giving them two lessons a day. Major Donaldson suggested on June 12 that the drummers should be taught by Corporal Donald Munro of the 42nd. The first muster of the regiment took place at Elgin on August 3, 300 men assembling, but the Duke found that Elgin was a " very im- proper place for forming a new regiment," and he requested it to be sent on to Fort George, which was immediately done, Lieutenant Charles Gordon, Wardhouse, declaring on September 6 that they were the best-looking men in the Fort. The organisation of the regiment, however, left much to be desired, as a letter written by Captain John Gordon, Laggan, on September I shows (Gordon Castle Papers] : When we came from Elgin there was no roll of those enlisted by the Duke. No person knew their numbers. [Charles Gordon of] Wardes had got an old roll from Mr. Munro, but it was neither exact nor distinct. Severalls had never been entered in it, and a number absent without any mark, whether on furlough or otherwayes. We had no rule to go by but to make a roll of those we had within the garrison, which, including seven sergeants, eleven corporals and two drummers, ammount to 224. . . . There may even have been desertions on the road without our knowledge. . . . The right of the Duke's, by name the Colonel's company, [is] commanded by me, and the left, the Lieutenant Colonel's, by Wardes. In every other thing, we go hand in hand, except that Wardes drew cash at Ffores for paying the Duke's men, and consequently has the name of paymaster. . . . What I scrouple most is being obliged to act as quartermaster for the A companys, doing a man's duty I know nothing about and by far the most troublesome in the garrison. The lads still continue to behave well and are very tractable and obedient. I must let you know Mr. Fraser, the barrackmaster's, report to the Governor respecting their barracks : " There have been thirteen regiments in this garrison since I had concern with it ; I never saw barracks so clean and in so good order as those presently possessed by the Duke of Gordon's men, tho' they received them but two days since from the Macdonalds in a way I am ashamed to mention." On Friday I had the honour to mount Guard with the Fencibles for their first appearance on duty, and, making some allowance for our P 114 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. awkwardness, which must be expected from raw recruits, the officers and whole garrison said old soldiers could not behave with more decency and attention, which has been the case with any one of our guards mounted since. If we are keept together but a short time, I hope you will hear of our being a pattern regiment. Wardhouse wrote, September 23, "I wish to God we were formed into Companys for the trouble of paying them in their present troubled state is prodigious." There was friction even among the officers, for Captain A. P. Gumming, afterwards Gordon-Gumming of Altyre, wrote to the Duke from Altyre asking His Grace to summon Lieutenant Gumming of his company to headquarters : " Whilst I am fagged about like a post horse, he seems to enjoy his ease and venison at Calder." The first officers' commissions are dated April 14, 1778, but they were not officially published till September 17, 1778, when they appear in the Notifications Book in the War Office (W.O. 25; 116: p. 132: W.O. 25 ; 148 : pp. 236-7) : COLONEL. The 4th Duke of Gordon, April 14, 1778. LIEUTENANT-COLONEL. Lord William Gordon, April 14, 1778. Brother of the Duke. MAJORS. James Chisholm (from major in the 2ist Foot), April 14, 1778. James Mercer, April 14, 1778. Son of Thomas Mercer, Aberdeen (d. 1770) : and brother of David Mercer of Auchnacant (d. 1787), whom he succeeded. He was born February 27, 1734; entered the 88th, leav- ing the army as major in 1772. He was a cultivated man, publishing a volume of Lyric Poems in 1794, and a friend of Beattie. He married in 1763 Katherine Douglas, daughter of the laird of Fechil and sister of Lord Glenbervie, and died at Sunnybank, Aberdeen, November 27, 1 804. He left two daughters, one of whom, Katherine, married, 1781, Charles Gordon, of Wardhouse (a fellow officer of her father in the Northern Fencibles), who divorced her, 1797. (See Appendix " Q," Forbes's Life of Beattie; Thanage of Fermartyn, 603-4; Walker's Bards of Bon-Accord, 333-337 ; J- F. George's article on the " auld hoose " of Sunnybank, built by Mercer, in the Book of Powis, 1906; Aberdeen Journal Notes and Queries, ii., 351, iii., 16 ; Life of General Hugh Mercer, by John T. Goolrick, New York, 1906). CAPTAINS. John Campbell, April 14, 1778 ; joined the Cardigan Militia and was replaced by John Grant, April 8, 1 779. THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 115 Alexander Penrose Gumming, April 14, 1778 (from I3th Foot); afterwards in the Strathspey Fencibles. Created a baronet, 1804; died, 1806; founder of Gordon^Cumming family (Gordons under Arms, Nos. 1,521-1,535). Sir William Forbes, April 14, 1778; resigned by September 13, 1780. Born in 1755, he was 5th bart. of Craigievar ; married 1780, Sarah, daughter of the I3th Lord Sempill ; and died 1816. Alexander Fraser, April 14, 1778 (from captain, 78th Regiment). Laird of Culduthil; dead by December 26, 1778. . James Fraser (from the 87th), January 8, 1779, vice Fraser; joined the 7 ist by April 8, 1779. George (Gordon), Lord Haddo, April 14, 1778. Born 1764, he was son of the 3rd Earl of Aberdeen ; had six sons in the services (Gordons under Arms Nos. 196, 323, 541, 961, 1,797), and Robert (not mentioned there), who had a commission in the 3rd Aberdeen Local Militia in 1813. George Mackay, of Bighouse, April 14, 1778 ; from half pay. Lachlan Mackintosh, April 14, 1778. Younger of Belnespick. CAPTAIN-LIEUTENANT. William Finlason, April 14, 1778 ; captain, April 8, 1779, vice James Fraser. He had previously been in the 89th Foot, 1759-1763. LIEUTENANTS. George Abercromby, April 14, 1778; resigned by October 18, 1780. Laird of Birkenbog ( ?) Robert Gumming, April 14, 1778; resigned by May 5, 1782. Donald Forbes, April 14, 1778; resigned by May 5, 1782. Fraser, April 14, 1778 (W.O. 25: 211). Charles Gordon, April 14, 1778 ; captain, May 29, 1782, vice Lord Haddo, resigned. Laird of Wardhouse (Gordons under Arms, No. 307). James Gordon, April 14, 1778; resigned by March 15, 1782 (Gordons under Arms, No. 721). John Gordon, April 14, 1778; captain, September 12, 1782. Son of James, in Laggan (Gordons under Arms, No. 906). William Gordon, April 14, 1778. Son of Robert Gordon, Achness (Gordons under Arms, No. 1,408). William Graham, April 14, 1778; resigned by March 23, 1779. Alexander Grant, April 14, 1778. John Grant, April 14, 1778 (from half pay); captain-lieutenant, April 8, 1779, vice Campbell. Of Rippachie. Donald Mackay, April 14, 1778; resigned by May 19, 1780. William Mackintosh, April 14, 1778; resigned by January I, 1781. Andrew Mowatt, April 14, 1778. Il6 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. George Munro, April 14, 1778. George Reynolds, April 14, 1778, vice Fraser, declines. John Rose, April 14, 1778 ; joined the 42nd by March 18, 1782. Of Holm. John Rose, jun., April 14, 1778. Thomas Russel, April 14, 1778 (from half pay); captain-lieutenant, January 19, 1780; captain, September 13, 1780. He was subsequently in the Banff and Rosehearty Volunteers, 1794-8. Laird of Rathen ; died at Banff, 1827, aged 85. His career is given minutely in the Aberdeen Weekly Journal, October 16, 1914. James Shaw, April 14, 1778; captain-lieutenant, September 13, 1780. He had a nephew, James Shaw, a sergeant in the regiment, and asked a cadetship for his own son, ^Eneas, who was with him at Inverness. John Sutherland, April 14, 1778. Of Dunbeath. ENSIGNS. Charles Adamson, May 5, 1782, vice Huoy. Angus Cameron, April 14, 1778; Lieut, May 5, 1780, vice Gordon. Colin Chisholm, January 8, 1779, vice Fraser, who declined; lieutenant, September 13, 1780. Alexander Clerk, April 14, 1778; lieutenant, April 8, 1779; joined the Marines by November 21, 1781. Alexander Dunbar, September 15, 1782, vice Smith, lieutenant. Alexander Forbes, July 20, 1781 ; lieutenant, March 15, 1782, vice' James Gordon. - Fraser, April 14, 1778. Thomas Fraser, May 5, 1782; lieutenant, September 29, 1782, vice Todd, resigned. Adam Gordon, January I, 1781 ; lieutenant, May 29, 1782. Adam Gordon, September 29, 1782. Son of John Gordon of Florida and South Carolina, who died at Bordeaux, March 4, 1778 (Gordons under Arms, No. 101). George Gordon, April 8, 1779. Entered ist Dragoons, May 1780. Natural son of the 4th Duke of Gordon ; lived at Glentromie (Gordons under Arms, No. 512). John Gordon, April 14, 1778; lieutenant, March 23, 1779, vice Graham, resigned; captain, September 15, 1782. Son of James Gordon in Laggan, which John subsequently farmed ; died 1799 (Gordons under Arms, No. 906). John Gordon, April 14, 1778; lieutenant, April 10, 1779; joined Independent Company, February 13, 1782; captain -lieutenant, Gordon Highlanders, February 12, 1794. Farmed Coynachie ; died 1827 (Gordons under Arms, No. 909). THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 117 John Gordon, March 18, 1782, vice Rose; lieutenant, May 12, 1782, vice J. Gordon, jun. ; captain, September 15, 1782, vice Mackay, resigned. Son of James Gordon in Croughly ; died 1788, at Croughly, aged 25 (Gordons under Arms, No. 917). Five of his brothers entered the Army, and thus laid the foundations of the Service achievements of this farmer- family which has from first to last produced 28 officers (Ibid. p. xxxiv.). Lewis Gordon, June 15, 1782, vice Stewart. Son of John Gordon, IV. in Minmore ; secretary to the Highland Society ; died unmarried 1839 (Gordons under Arms, No. 1,093). William Gordon, April 14, 1778; lieutenant, January 19, 1780. Son of John Gordon, IV. in Minmore; brother of Lewis, supra; died 1829 (Gordons under Arms, No. 1,407). Charles Grant, May 19, 1780; lieut, November 21, 1781, vice Clarke. James Grant (i), April 14, 1778; lieutenant, January 19, 1780, vice Mowatt, February 7, 1780. James Grant (2), April 14, 1778. George Hoy, March 15, 1782; resigned by May 5, 1782. Son of the Duke's " Meteorologist" Alexander Innes, November 21, 1781 ; lieutenant, May 5, 1782, vice Forbes. William Knox, September 13, 1780. Thomas Livingstone, March 23, 1779; joined the 98th before July 12, 1780. Probably son of Dr. Thomas Livingstone, Aberdeen (1728-85), who was accoucheur to the Duchess of Gordon. Hugh Mackay, February 7, 1780; lieutenant, January i, 1781, vice Mackintosh. Robert Mackay, April 14, 1778 (by purchase); lieutenant, May 19, 1780, vice Donald Mackay; 2nd lieutenant, 2ist Foot, June 13, 1781. Married at Limerick, February 10, 1786, and had a son and two daughters; living at Jersey, 1828 (W.O. 25: 766: p. 9). Andrew Macpherson, May 29, 1782. Robert Campbell Macpherson, January 17, 1782; lieutenant, May 5, 1782, vice Cumming. Colin Mathieson, May 5, 1780; lieutenant, July 20, 1781, vice Mackay, who joined the 2ist. John Mathieson, May 12, 1782. James Meik, June 16, 1780, vice Gordon. Alexander Rose, October 18, 1780. Simon Simpson, September 6, 1780, vice Francis Stewart; lieuten- ant, January 17, 1782, vice Grant. Charles Smith, May 5, 1782; lieutenant, September 15, 1782. Charles Stewart, July 12, 1780, vice Livingstone; joined the 8ist by June 15, 1782. TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Francis Stewart, January 19, 1780; joined the 48th by September 6, 1780. Laird of Lesmurdie ; died 1824. Alexander Todd, January 19, 1780; lieutenant, October 18, 1780, vice Abercromby, resigned ; resigned by September 29, 1782. Son of William Todd, the Duke's factor. CHAPLAIN. Rev. James Gordon (1728-1809), April 14, 1778. Son of George, of Fifthpart of Dundurcus (Gordons under Arms, No. 709). SURGEON. John Gordon, April 14, 1778. Son of John in Minmore, as above. He was succeeded, January 8, 1779, by George French (" vice Gordon, declines "), who was Professor of Chemistry at Marischal College from 1793 till his death in 1833. It was he who urged Sir James McGrigor to enter the army (McGrigor's Autobiography, p. 7). MATES. James Meik, January 8, 1779; ensign, June 16, 1780. William Knox, January 8, 1779; ensign, September 13, 1780. Probably the William Knox who took the M.D. of Marischal College in 1785, and entered the H.E.I.C.S. ADJUTANT. George Reynolds, April 14, 1778. QUARTERMASTER. Thomas Russel, April 14, 1778. AGENTS. Cox, Mair and Cox, Cray's Court, London. The officers were apportioned to companies as follows : COMPANY. Col. Duke of Gordon. Capt. John Campbell. Major James Chisholm. Capt. A. P. Gumming. Sir William Forbes. James Fraser. LIEUTENANT. George Munro. {Robert Gumming. John Rose, sen. John Rose, jun. William Graham. ( Andrew Mowatt. ; Alexander Grant, (john Grant. ( George Abercromby. I Thomas Russel. / Simon Fraser. \ William Mackintosh. ENSIGN. William Gordon. Angus Cameron. James Grant. Robert Mackay. Colin Chisholm. THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. COMPANY. Capt. George, Lord Haddo. Lord William Gordon. George Mackay. Lachlan Mackintosh. LIEUTENANT. ( James Gordon. < John Gordon. ( William Gordon. ( Charles Gordon. \ George Reynolds. / Donald Forbes. \ Donald Mackay. j James Shaw. I John Sutherland. ENSIGN. John Grant. Alexander Clerk. James Grant. The ten companies averaged 93 men. Their names are given in the first muster roll of the regiment, preserved at the Record Office, for the period September 26 December 24, 1778 (W.O. 13 : 3,900). It contains the bare names only. But fortunately there is a list full of facts concerning 13 sergeants, 13 corporals, 13 drummers and 278 privates, at Gordon Castle. Of the privates, I discover by comparison with the War Office roll that 88 belonged to the Duke's company (four being missing), and 84 to Lord William's (ten being missing in the Gordon Castle roll). The Gordon Castle roll is a carefully written MS. folio, and is entitled "Roll of men inlisted for the Duke of Gordon," and gives (i) name of soldier ; (2) date of enlistment ; (3) by whom or where enlisted ; (4) age ; (5) height ; (6) description of complexion ; (7) colour of hair ; (8) colour of eyes; (9) trade; (10) where born. Although I am well aware that items 6, 7, and 8 are extremely interesting from the eugenics point of view, I have not (on the ground of space) included them. I have transposed items 9 and 10. Several details from other lists, more or less fragmentary, in the possession of the Duke of Richmond, have been added in brackets. The average height of the 295 men for whom statistics are given is 5 feet 6.02544 inches. By whom or where Name. Age. Height. Born. Trade. Enlisted. SERGEANTS. Cormack, Donald 27 5 ft. 3 in Wattin, Caithness Labourer Mr. Bell Duffus, Jame.s 31 5 ft. 10 in Fordyce, Banff Sh'maker Mr. Ross Gordon, Charles 29 5 ft. 101 in Bellie, Banff Mason The Duchess Gordon, John 49 5ft. 9iin Loth, Sutherland Labourer Mr. Munro Grant, Francis 19 5 ft. 10i in Mortlich, Banff Student The Duke Horn, Peter . . 37 5 ft. 61 in Fordyce, Banff Hairdr'ser Mr. Ross M'Honachy, Wm. 23 5ft. 7 in Mortlich, Banff Farmer Gordon of Laggan M'Kinlay, Alex. 20 5 ft. hj in Inverness Labourer Mr. Munro Maclay, Wm. 31 5ft. 7 in Forres, Murray Merchant Mr. Bell M'Phail, John 30 6 ft. 2 in Dunlichty, Inverness Farmer The Duke Moffat, James 25 5ft. 6 in Urquhart, Murray Taylor Gordon of Laggan Steuart, Peter 38 5 ft. 11J in Leathret, Caithness Young, William 40 5 ft. 7 in Paisley, Renfrew Soldier Lord Adam Gordon Date of Enlistment. May 28 May 16 June 10 April 21 July 13 April 28 May 23 May 2 April 28 June 6 May 26 June 1 Sept. 28 120 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Name. Age. Height. Born. By u'hom or u-here Trade. Enlisted. Date of Enlistment. CORPORALS. Cameron, Donald . . 85 5ft . in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer The Duke May 30 Elder, William 88 5ft , 7iin. Marnoch, Banff Labourer Mr. Munro May 4 Gordon, George a 6ft, 2 in. Inveraven, Bantr Labourer TheDuk^ July 10 Grant, William .. B 5ft , 9 in. Kincardine, Inverness Labourer His Father June 8 Greenwood, Paul . . 36 5ft. 9 in. Wadsworth, York Taylor Mr. Bell May 2 Innes, Robert n 5ft. 7|in. Dipple, Murray Labourer Mr. Bell May 6 M'Donell, Donald .. 30 5ft, 5iin. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Farmer Colonel Campbell JuneS M'Intyre, Patrick .. n 5ft. 11 in. Fortingale, Perth Labourer Colonel Campbell June 3 M'Kenzie, Alex. 39 5ft. 5iin. K irk hill. Inverness Labourer The Duke Julyl M'Pherson, Andrew 19 5ft. 11 in. Alvie, Inverness Farmer Colonel Campbell JuneS Pitullo, Patrick .. M 5ft. 7iin. St. Martin, Perth Mason Mr. Bell June 9 Romans, William .. T.) 5ft. 9iin. Keith, Banff Labourer Fochabers May 23 Sutherland, Alex. .. n 5ft. 10i in. Bellie, Murray Gardener Fochabers June 15 DRUMMERS. Duff, William Lieut. James Gordon Duncan, Peter is Huntly, Aberdeen Ju'lyi Forbes, William .. to Inverness, Inverness Labourer June 3 Fraser, William .. u Fordyce, Banff Labourer May 13 Garrow, John M 5ft. 2 in. Mortlich, Banff Sh'maker June 20 Gordon, Adam u Farr, Sutherland June 26 Horn, James u Bellie, Murray Flaxdr'ser May 22 Horn, John 14 Bellie, Murray Flaxdr'ser April 28 Kerr, John .. Lieut. James Gordon M'Kenzie, John ii Kirkhill, Inverness Ju'lyi M'Leod, Donald Captain Mackay M'Millan, Peter .. 14 Kenmuir, Perth Sailor .... Oct'. 3 Weir, William 15 Monquiter, Aberdeen .... Sept. 28 PRIVATKS. Alexander, Wm. .. 88 5ft. 10 in. Forgue, Aberdeen Labourer Laggan June 9 Allardyce, John 17 5ft. 3 in. Gartly, Aberdeen Labourer Huntly June 19 Anderson, Alex. 18 5ft. 7 in. Forgue, Aberdeen Labourer (Lieut. Gordon), Wardhouse July 30 Anderson, Charles .. 16 5ft. 6 in. Forgue, Aberdeen Labourer Brideswell June 10 Anderson, James .. Ifl 5ft. 6 in. Bellie, Banff Labourer Fochabers June 10 Anderson, William M 5ft. 5iin. Rathven, Banff Labourer Fochabers J une 8 Bain, William 41) 5ft. 6 in. Thurso, Caithness Labourer Minister of Belly June 30 Barron, William .. 8! 5ft. 4 in. Meldrum, Aberdeen Sh'maker Dr. Gordon July 28 Beg, James 16 5ft. 3 in. Grange, Banff Labourer Sergeant M'Lay May 27 Black, John 40 5ft. 6 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer The Duke June 8 Black, William 17 5ft. 7 in. Elgin, Murray Labourer (G. Munro), at Elgin Aug. 12 Blair, John .. n 5ft. 11 in. Cromdale, Murray Labourer Laggan Mayl Bowman, William . . 10 5ft. 3 in. Inveraven, Banff Labourer Mr. Grant, Minmore June 22 Bremer, Edward . . 17 5ft. 6 in. Bellie, Murray Labourer Fochabers May 7 Bremer, John U 5ft. 7 in. Bellie, Murray Labourer Fochabers May 5 Bremer, Joseph 20 5ft. 9 in. Bellie, Murray Labourer Fochabers May 16 Brodie, Peter, sen. 85 5ft. 6i in. King-Edward, Ab'd'n Miller Sergeant M'Lay Aug. 28 Brodie, Peter, jun. 10 5ft. 3 in. Tillynessle, Aberdeen Taylor Sergeant M'Lay Aug. 29 Brown, Thomas 17 5ft. 4 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Weaver Gordon, Clashmoir July 23 Burges, James 88 5ft. 8$in. Boharm, Banff Mason The Duchess June 10 Cameron, Alex. 17 5ft. 3 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Blairachurn May 30 Cameron, Alex 17 5ft. 3 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Neil Cameron, Rattichmore May 30 Cameron, Alex U 5ft. r.; in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Terindriesh June 3 Cameron, Alex. 80 5ft. 7 in. Kincardin, Inverness Labourer W. Cameron Julyl Cameron, Alex.Breck 80 5ft. 3 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Glenturat July 17 Cameron, Allan 17 5ft. 3 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Cameron, Lindilly June 1 Cameron, Donald . . 81 5ft. 7iin. Inveraven, Banff Labourer Rob. Stuart, Desky July 6 Cameron, Donald . . 86 5ft. 4 in. Kilmanivaig Labourer Tacksman of Annat June 2 Cameron, Donald .. U 5ft. 4 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Blairchurn June 3 Cameron, Donald . . 18 5ft. 4 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Glenturat May 30 Cameron, Donald . . 17 5ft. SJin. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Glenevas JuneS Cameron, Donald . . 18 5ft. 4iin. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Annat June 11 Cameron, Donald . . n 5ft. 2 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Letterfindlay June 15 Cameron, Donald . . 1!) 5ft. 5 in. Contine, Ross Labourer Mr. Bell May 28 Cameron, Duncan . . n 5ft. 6$ in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Letterfindlay June 2 Cameron, Duncan .. 25 5ft. 8 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Blairachurn May 30 Cameron, Ewen M 5ft. 4; in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Gordonsburgh May 30 Cameron, Ewen 21 5ft. 6 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Stronobad June 1 Cameron, Ewen 18 5ft. 8 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Tomcharie June 13 Cameron, Ewen 10 5ft. 7iin. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer (Corpl. Donald Cameron, etc) Aug. 8 Cameron, John 10 5ft. 4 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Kennedy, Leinachanmore June 5 Cameron, John 19 5ft. .V in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Glenevas JuneS THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 121 Name. Age. Height. Born. Trade. By whom or whei e Date of Enlisted. Eidintment. Cameron, John (added as 277th man) Mr. Grant, Tombreackachy Cameron, Martin .. 3(1 5ft, , 9i in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Rattichbeg May 30 Cameron, Martin . . M 5ft. , 6 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Likroy May 80 Campbell, Duncan .. 30 5ft, 7iin. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Mrs. Tod June 6 Cantley, James 28 5ft. 6 in. Fordyce, Banff Wheel- wright A. Gordon, in Landends Aug. 1 Cattach, Alexander 15 5ft. 2 in. Mortlich, Banff Labourer Lieut. Gordon, Laggan June 29 Cattanach, Alex. . . 50 5ft, .'!! in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer John Grant, in Achnarrow Aug. 17 Cattanach, Findley 20 Inch, Inverness Labourer Invereshy June 26 Christie, Peter 41 5ft. 6 in. Fordyce, Banff Gentm'n's servant Mr. Bell JulyS Clark, Alexander . . 24 5ft. 6iin. Keith, Banff Labourer Fochabers May 15 Copland, John 40 5ft. 7 in. Rathven, Banff Farmer Dec. 1 Corbet, Robert 44 5ft. 3} in. Mickle Govan, Lanark Gunsmith Hugh Murray, Strichen Julyl Craig, James 32 5ft. 7 in. Kinnethmont, Aberdeen Flaxdr'ser Forsyth, Huntly Mayl Craigie, Nathaniel .. 22 5ft. 6 in. Towie, Aberdeen Soldier Lord Adam Gordon Sept. 28 Cruickshank, Robert 40 5ft. 8 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Square wright Mr. Miln, Braehead May 22 Cruickshank, Thomas 32 5ft. 8 in. Inveraven, Banff Labourer Drummin July 23 dimming, James .. 17 5ft. 7 in. Inveraven, Banff Labourer Achorachin July 10 Davidson, Alexander 16 5ft. 2f in. Mortlich, Banff Taylor Laggan June 17 Davidson, Farquhar 36 5ft. 6 in. Inch, Inverness Invereshy June 20 Davidson, James . . 22 5ft. 5 in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Raits June 8 Davidson, John 30 5ft. 6 in. Ellon, Aberdeen Labourer Fochabers Aug. 13 Davidson, John 25 5ft. 5Jin. Forgue, Banff Weaver Ensign J. Gordon (Coynachie) July 23 Dawn, Alexander . . 35 6ft. 1 in. Glass, Banff Labourer Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse JulyS Desson, James Donald, George 28 34 5ft. 5ft. 6Jin. 7|in. Huntly, Aberdeen Deskford, Banff Weaver Labourer Ensign J. Gordon (Coynachie) Mr. Ross June 29 July 13 Downie, Robert 37 5ft. 4 in. Urquhart, Murray Labourer (Lieut. Gordon), Laggan June 1 Duncan, Robert 38 5ft. 7 in. Rhynie, Aberdeen Labourer Huntly July 1 Duncan, William .. IS 5ft. 3 in. Dumbennan, Aberdeen Labourer Thomas Miln April 28 Fife, George Fife, Patrick 40 17 5ft. 5ft. 5 in. 2 in. Boyndie, Banff Elgin, Murray Labourer Flaxdr'ser Ensign J. Gordon (Coynachie) Fochabers July 2 July 14 Findley, Alexander . 30 5ft. 4 in. Forres, Murray Labourer Mr. Bell May 28 Forbes, Alexander .. 20 5ft. 6 in. Belly, Banff Labourer Fochabers Nov. 21 Forbes, John 20 5ft. 6iin. Bellie, Murray Labourer Fochabers May 23 Forsyth, William .. 30 5ft. 4 in. Inveraven, Banff Carpenter (Wm. Grant, Tombrackachy) Aug. 10 iForrester, John Stewart Discharged July 14 Fraser, James ie 5ft. ' '4i in. Cromarty, Inverness Labourer Fochabers June 4 Fraser, James Fraser, John 24 45 5ft. 5ft. 51 in. 7iin. Fordyce, Banff Strathdon, Aberdeen Labourer Labourer Ensign J. Gordon (Coynachie) Wm. Gordon, Lettoch July 14 July 24 Gartly, John 27 5ft. 6iin. Gartly, Banff Labourer Ensign J. Gordon June 25 Gordon, Alexander . 18 5ft. 5iin. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Benchar June 12 Gordon, Andrew .. 25 5ft. 6 in. Guthrie, Angus Labourer Mr. Bruce June 5 Gordon, Cosmo 30 5ft. 7 in. Inveraven, Banff Farmer W. Grant, Minmore Julyl Gordon, Duncan .. 18 5ft. 3i in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Fort-William June 1 Gordon, James 18 5ft. 4J in. Kincardin, Inverness Miller Kincardine June 18 Gordon, John 36 5ft. 5 in. Cabrach, Banff Farmer Hardhaugh July 13 ZGordon, Theodore . 34 5ft. 9iin. Forgue, Aberdeen Merchant Fochabers June 5 Grant, Alexander .. 26 5ft. 8 in. Marnoch, Banff Wright Fochabers May 29 Grant, Duncan 40 5ft. 4 in. Abernethy, Murray Labourer John Grant, Achnahyle Aug. 12 Grant, James 17 5ft. 4 in. Cromdall, Banff Labourer Ensign W. Gordon (Minmore) June 27 Grant, James 18 5ft. 3 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Robert Grant. Cults June 30 Grant, John 19 5ft. 6 in. Inveraven, Banff Labourer (Lieut. Gordon), Laggan May 10 Grant, John 20 5ft. 5 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Mr. Miln, factor May 28 Grant, Robert 34 5ft. 6 in. Inveraven, Banff Taylor R. Grant, Ruthven May8 Grant, Robert 30 5ft. 6 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Farmer Claimed by 81st May 5 Grant, Robert 10 5ft. 1 in. Elgin, Murray Sh'maker (G. Munrd), Elgin Aug. 21 Grant, William 35 5ft. 4Jin. Inveraven, Banff Labourer R. Willox June 17 Grant, William 22 5ft. 6iin. Cromdall, Inverness Labourer R. Willox June 12 Grant, William 28 5ft. 6 in. Cromdall, Murray Labourer Fochabers June 28 Gray, William 21 5ft. 6 in. Fetteresso, Mearns Brazier Fochabers June 30 Graysick, James .. 33 5ft. 6 in. Strathdon, Aberdeen Labourer (Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse) July 7 Gregor, James 34 5ft. 5 in. Daviot, Inverness Labourer Huntly Market June 15 Gregory, James 36 5ft. 10 in. Keith, Banff Sh'maker Lieut. Godsman April 26 Hay, John .. 27 5ft. 5Jin. Cabrach, Banff Farmer Hardhaugh July 13 Hay, William 45 5ft. 10 in. Inch, Aberdeen Labourer Mr. Bell June 11 Hay, William 18 5ft. 9f in. Keith, Banff Fowler Fochabers June 27 Hay, William 46 5ft. 5 in. Elgin, Murray Labourer (The Duke), Elgin Aug. 27 1 The size list enters John Stewart, age 40, 5 ft. 7 in., fowler, " not yet [July 18] attested." 2 In Captain Eraser's company. 122 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. By whom or where Date of Name. Age. Height. Born. Trade. Enlisted. Enlistment. Hepburn, Alexander 25 5ft. 7* in. Meldrum. Aberdeen Baker (The Duke), Fochabers Aug. 13 Hosack, Alexander . 20 5ft. 61 in. Bellie, Murray Labourer Fochahers May 23 Inch, Alex. McDonell 23 6ft, in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Farmer His Father June 1 Inch, John .. Innes, John .. Innes, John . . . . 28 M n 5ft. 5ft. 5ft. 3 in. 61 in. 5 in. Dipple, Murray Leslie, Aberdeen Bellie, Murray Labourer Sh'maker Sh'maker Fochabers (Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse) Fochabers J line 3 July 6 May 22 Jopp> John .. 24 5ft. 71 in. Rathven, Banff Labourer (The Duke), Fochabers July 30 Kennedy, Alexander M 5ft. 6} in. Inch, Inverness Labourer Invereshy June 18 Kennedy, Angus 17 5ft. 4 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Mr. Butter June 3 Kennedy, John || 5ft. 3 in. Kingussie, Inverness Benchar June 11 Kennedy, William .. 21 5ft. 51 in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Invereshy July 20 Kennedy, William .. Lawson, John 17 20 5ft. 5ft. 6 in. 8 in. Inch, Inverness Alford, Aberdeen Labourer Labourer Benehar Mr. Gordon, son of Jas. Gor- June 13 don, Brae of Scurdargue July 27 Leslie, William 24 5ft. 61 in. Rhynie, Aberdeen Millwri'ht G. Gordon, Rhynie June 15 Logie, James u 5ft. 61 in. Longbride, Murray May 16 Lumsden, John 2<; 5ft. 8$ in. Ruthven, Banff Labourer A. Gordon, Landends July 30 McArthur, Charles . 14 5ft. 7Jin. Laggan, Inverness Labourer M'Donald, Garoymore June 6 McBain. William .. 19 5ft. 11 in. Inverness, Inverness Taylor Fochabers July 14 SMcBain, Peter U 5ft. 5 in. Rothymurcus, Inverness Labourer The Duke July 8 McConachie, William u 5ft. 5 in. Mortlich, Banff Taylor (Lieut. Gordon), Laggan May 23 McDonald, Alex. . . M 5ft. 6 in. Tarves, Aberdeen Labourer Oct. 17 McDonald, Alex. .. 49 5ft. 4 in. Inveraven, Banff Labourer (Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse) Aug. 8 McDonald, Alex. .. 24 5ft. 8 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Ensign Wm. Gordon, (Min- more) June 13 McDonnell, Alex. .. BO 5ft. 5 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Chyleonach June 2 McDonald, Allan . . 20 5ft. 101 in. Moidart, Inverness Labourer Thos. Gordon in Achlochrach Aug. 22 McDonald, Angus .. 15 5ft. 2 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Blairachurn Sept. 3 McDonald, Archibald M 5ft. 4Jin. Slate, Inverness Labourer JulyS McDonald, Archibald 22 5ft. 7 in. Laggan, Inverness Labourer McDonald, Galway June 8 McDonald, Archibald 17 5ft. 31 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Keppoc 1 ! June 10 McDonald, Charles . 21 5ft. 8 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Keppoch June 10 McDonnell, Donald 19 5ft. 4 in. Daviot, Inverness Schoolm'r June 19 McDonald, Donald. . 22 6ft. 1 in. Nigg, Ross Labourer Chas. Grant, Tombreahachy June 11 4McDonnell, Donald 20 5ft. 7Jin. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Inveroymour June 2 McDonnell, Donald . 20 5ft. 81 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Chyleonach June 2 McDonnell, Donald . 82 5ft. 7 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Chyleonach June 2 McDonald, Ewen . . M 5ft. 5 in. Kincardin, Inverness Labourer Captain Grant Aug. 12 McDonald, John . . 20 5ft, 31 in. Slate, Inverness Labourer McDonald, Galway July 4 McDonald, John . . 18 5ft. 31 in. Laggan, Inverness Labourer McPherson, Blargymore June 6 McDonald, William 20 5ft. 6 in. Kincardine, Inverness Labourer John Stuart June 1 McDougald, Duncan M 5ft. 7 in. Appin, Argyle Carpenter McDonell. Glenco Junel McGillowray, Arch. 18 5ft. 6 in. Botriphney, Banff Labourer (G. Munro), Elgin Aug. 22 McGregor, Donald .. 20 5ft. 3 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Colonel Campbell June 2 McGregor, Duncan . 21 5ft. 2 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Taylor Blairachurn May 30 McGregor, James . . 80 5ft. 3 in. Edinkeelly, Murray Labourer Mr. Godsman July 15 McGregor, John IS 5ft. 2 in. Perth, Perth Labourer Ensign J. Gordon, (Coynachie) June 29 McGregor, Peter . . 27 5ft. 51 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Strathavon, Mr. Ross June 11 McGregory, William 18 5ft. 2 in. Perth, Perth Labourer Watt, Mill of Gartly July 6 Mclnnes, Angus . . 86 5ft. 5 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Mr. Gray, Barrackmaster June 3 Mclntosh, James .. 1!) 5ft. 6 in. Duthell, Murray Labourer Grant, Delmore July 10 Mclntyre, Alexander 20 5ft, , 71 in. Alvie, Inverness Labourer Invereshy July 21 5McIntyre Alexander 20 5ft. 5" in. Laggan, Inverness Labourer Glentrim, his father May 30 Mclntyre, Angus . . 24 Inch, Inverness Labourer Invereshy July 6 Mclntyre, Donald . . M 5ft. 31 in. Kincardine, Inverness Labourer J. Stuart May 28 Mclntyre, Duncan . 17 5ft, . 3 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Drumfour Junes Mclntyre, Ewen .. 18 5 ft. 3 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Drumfour May 30 BMcIntyre, Malcolm 88 5ft . 9 in. Kingussie, Inverness Forrester June 16 McKay, Alexander . 17 5ft . 4 in. Glass, Banff Labourer Sergeant McLay June 4 Mackie, John 28 5ft . 5 in. Huntly, Aberdeen Labourer Malcolm, Westertown May 20 McKay, John 80 5ft . 6 in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Benehar June 16 Mackie, Neil 1C, 5ft . 2 in. Marnoch, Banff Labourer Malcolm, Westertown May 26 McKay, Peter 21 5ft .11 in. Inch, Inverness Blacks'th Invereshi^ June 16 McKenzie, David .. 28 5ft . 2 in. Dornoch, Sutherland Labourer (The Duchess's grieve) Aug. 5 McKenzie, Donald .. 17 5ft . 6 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Jno. Kennedy.Lienachanmore June 2 McKenzie, Duncan .. 21 5ft . 41 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer McDonald, Tillcorat June 4 McKenzie, John 26 5ft . 9 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Fassfearn July 6 McKenzie, John 30 5ft . 4 in, , (Contine, Ross) Labourer Serjt. McLay May 28 3 Peter M'Bain was the son of the late John M'Bain and his wife, Isobel Grant. 4 Did not join. 5 The size list says he was replaced on July G by his brother, Malcolm. 6 Malcolm Mclntyre, deserted (Aberdeen Journal, March 8, 1779). THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 123 By whom or where IJate of Name. Age. Height. Born. Trade. Enlitted. Enlittment. McKenzie, William . 3(1 5ft. 4 in. Contine, Ross Labourer Mr. Bell May 28 McKinnon, Duncan 34 5ft. 71 in. Glenelg, Inverness Labourer Terindriesh June 4 McLachlan, Alex. .. 20 5ft. 7 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Fassifearn June 2 McLean, Alexander 22 5ft. 8 in. Alvie, Inverness Labourer Invereshy June 22 McLean, John 21 5ft. 4 in. Inveraven, Banff Weaver (Lieut. Gordon), Laggan July 11 McLeod, William . . 28 5ft. 3 in. Inverness, Inverness Taylor Elgin Market June 10 McM aster Donald 18 5ft. 6 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Cameron, Lindilly Junes McMaster Donald 18 5ft. 3 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer Drumfour May 30 McMaster Donald li 5ft. 6 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Weaver Lindilly June 1 McMaster Donald If) 5ft. 41 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer William Mitchel June 2 McMaster John . . 40 5ft. 4f in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Inch JuneS McMillan, Hugh .. 30 5ft. 5 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Mr. Butter June 3 McNeil, John 25 5ft. 10 in. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Labourer McDonald, Aclitriachan May 30 McPherson, Alex. . . 20 5ft. 6 in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Benchar June 13 McPherson, Alex. 17 5ft. 3 in. Laggan, Inverness Labourer (McPherson), Ralia Aug. 21 TMcPherson, Charles 18 5ft. 6 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Old R. McPherson May 6 McPherson, Donald 25 5ft. 61 in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Dalenich. Badenoch May 30 McPherson, Donald 17 5ft. 4 in. Kingussie, Inverness Taylor Deserter from 71st June 8 McPherson, Donald 22 5ft. 2fin. Laggan, Inverness Taylor McPherson, Ballochmore June 8 McPherson, John . . 22 5ft. 4f in. Kirkmichael, Banff Gardener Lach's Son June 29 McPherson, John . . 20 5ft. 4 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Labourer Baillie McPherson May 30 McPherson, John . . 35 5ft. 7 in. Kingussie, Inverness Farmer (McPherson), Ralia July 20 McPherson, John . . 17 5ft. 7 in. Laggan, Inverness Labourer Pressmuchrach, Bad. May 30 McPherson, Lachlan 43 5ft. 91 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Lach Dowl June 29 McPherson, Malcom 17 Inch, Inverness Labourer Invereshy June 23 McPherson, Murdoch 35 5ft. "7" in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer June 6 McPherson, William 30 5ft. 8 in. Kingussie, Inverness Labourer Benchar June 4 McQueen, Alexander 33 5ft. 6 in. Inverallan, Inverness Labourer R. Willox June 12 McQueen, Alexander 22 5ft. 11 in. Kincardin, Inverness Labourer His Father June 8 McWilliam, Robert 16 5ft. 3 in. Mortlich, Banff Labourer (Lieut. Gordon), Laggan May 21 McWilliam, William 19 5ft. 41 in. Mortlich, Banff Labourer (Lieut. Gordon), Laggan July 13 McWillie, John .. 19 5ft. 91 in. Botriphney, Banff Mason The Duchess June 10 McWillie, John .. 19 5ft-. 7 in. Bellie, Banff Labourer Minister, Bellie June 29 Maitland, William.. 26 5ft. 10 in. Kinnoir, Aberdeen Farmer The Duke, Huntly May 12 Marcus, George 28 5ft. 5 in. Deskford, Banff Blacks'th (G. Munro) at Elgin Aug. 13 Mearns, Alexander 33 5ft. 6 in. Leslie, Aberdeen Labourer (Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse) Aug. 20 Mennie, George 40 5ft. 10 in. Culsamond, Aberdeen Carpenter (John) Bruce, Aberdeen May 22 Miller, William .. 31 5ft. 51 in. Dundurcas, Murray Labourer Fochabers May 19 Milne, James Forsyth, Huntly May 16 Milne, John 42 5ft. 5 in. Forglen, Banff Sh'maker Fochabers July 13 Milton, George 20 5ft. 5 in. Fordyce, Banff Labourer Ross, Fochabers May 13 Milton. John 27 5ft. 5f in. Deskford, Banff Labourer Fochabers Nov. 9 Mitchel, James 34 5ft. 6 in. Kennethmont, Abdn. Farmer Mr. Bell July 2 Mitchell, Robert . . 19 5ft. 6 in. Kincardin, Inverness Labourer J. Stuart May 6 Munro, John 50 5ft. 21 in. Nigg, Ross Labourer (G. Munro) at Elgin Aug. 12 Murray, Donald 22 Keith, Banff Turner Invereshy June 23 Murray, George 19 5ft. ' 'bi in. Deskford, Banff Labourer (John Forbes, recruit) Aug. 10 SMurray, John 45 5ft. 9 in. Abernethy, Inverness Labourer Kn. W. Gordon Aug. 22 Oxford, James 29 5ft. 4 in. Elgin, Murray Labourer (Lieut. Gordon), Laggan June 3 Newton, David 24 5ft. 5 in. West Church, Lothian Stocking (John Steuart, forester of maker Strathdown) Aug. 18 Proctor, George 34 5ft. 4 in. Kennethmont, Aberdeen Labourer (Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse) Aug. 19 Reid, John 20 5ft. 71 in. Mortlich, Banff Cartwrght. Keith Market June 16 Riach, Donald 30 5ft. 6 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Tomintoul June 30 Riddle, Alexander .. G. Gordon, Rhynie May 29 Robertson, Alex. . . 18 5ft. 'Hi in. Cabrach, Aberdeen Labourer Mr. Bell July 2 Robertson, Alex. .. 24 5ft. 6 in. Laggan, Inverness Labourer Parson R. McPherson June 6 Robertson, James . . M 5ft. 9 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer (Win. Grant), Tombrackachj Aug. 10 Robertson, William 35 5ft. 4 in. Cabrach, Aberdeen Labourer (Lieut. Gordon. Wardhouse) July 3 Robson, William .. 17 5ft. 3 in. Manchester, Chester Weaver Deserter of Glasgow Vols. July 29 Ronald, James 18 5ft. 71 in. Gartley, Aberdeen Labourer Mr. Reynols Aug. 2 Ross, Angus 24 5ft. 2 in. Dornoch, Sutherland Labourer Elgin Market Aug. 5 Ross, Thomas 25 5ft. 6 in. Kilmalie, Inverness Sh'maker Mr. Ross, minister June 19 Ryley, Bryan 32 5ft. 91 in. St. Tringans, Glasgow Labourer (John) Bruce, (Aberdeen) May 27 Scott, William M 5ft. 4 in. Drainie, Murray Labourer (Lieut. Gordon), Laggan June 1 Shaw, Lachlan 20 5ft. SJin. Inch, Inverness Labourer Invereshy June 22 Shaw, William 23 5ft. 7 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Priest of Strathaven July 10 Shearer, George 28 5ft 8 in. Glass, Banff Labourer (Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse) July 15 Siveright, James .. 28 5ft. 5 in. Rhynie, Aberdeen Labourer G. Gordon, Rhynie June 17 Siveright, John 2(> 5ft 8 in. Keith, Banff Labourer The Duchess July 4 7 The size list says he replaced, October 20, his father, Robert, farmer, who enlisted May 6, aged 60. 8 John Murray did not join. 124 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. By whom or where Date i,f Name. . Age. Ht tight. Born. Trade. Enlisted k J Enlistment. Smith, Alexander .. 23 5ft. 4 in. Ruthven, Aberdeen Flaxdr'ser Fochabers June 2 Smith, George 20 6ft. 1 in. Belhelvie, Aberdeen Square (discharged 16 Nov.) wright June 19 Smith, James 24 5ft. 2} in. Rhynie, Aberdeen Labourer Smith, Aberdeen July 6 Smith, Robert 18 5ft. 4 in. Kincardine, Inverness Labourer His Father July 11 Smith, William 25 5ft. 3 in. Huntly, Aberdeen Weaver Fochabers April 26 Smith, William 39 5ft. :;; in. Elgin, Murray Taylor Stewart May 23 Steenson, James .. 34 5ft. 5 in. Fordyce, Banff Gardener Fochabers June 13 Stephen, Thomas . . 23 5ft. 6 in. Alves, Murray Labourer Fochabers April 29 Stephen, William . . 21 5ft. 5 in. Alves, Murray Blacks'th Fochabers Mays Stewart, Alexander 21 5ft. 6 in. Mortlich, Banff Labourer Rob. Stuart, offlc :er's son July 13 Stewart, Charles . . 15 5ft. 3 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Tomintoul July 10 Steuart, Alexander 29 5ft. 3 in. Inch, Inverness Labourer J. Stuart JuneS Steuart, Donald 17 5ft. 4 in. Inveraven, Banff Labourer James Gordon, Achnastank July 20 Steuart, Donald .. 17 5ft. 3iin. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer John McPherson , Tomach- laggan Aug. 10 Steuart, John 19 5ft. 5 in. Inveraven, Banff Labourer Chas. Grant, Tombreackachy Sept. 8 Steuart, John 30 5ft. 7 in. Mortlich, Banff Labourer Capt. Grant, Lurg Aug. 22 Steuart, John 24 5ft. 3i in. Abernethy, Inverness Farmer His Father July 31 Steuart, John 21 5ft. 6fin. Kilmanivaig, Inverness Weaver Gordonsburgh JuneS Stewart, Lewis 24 5ft. 5iin. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Rob. Smith, Dell July 15 Steuart, William . . ? 5ft. 10 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer C. Stewart, Drummin June 24 Stewart, William . . 21 5ft. 8 in. Kirkmichael, Banff Labourer Tomentoul July 11 Sutherland, Robert 15 5ft. 3 in. Rothiemay, Banff Labourer Ensign J.Gordon (Coynachie) June 29 Sutherland, William 15 Kildonan, Sutherland Labourer Elgin Market Aug. 7 Taylor, William .. 20 5ft. ' 5J in. Ruthven, Aberdeen Labourer Fochabers June 1 Taylor, William .. 40 5ft. 7 in. Ruthven, Aberdeen Labourer Laggan June 6 Thomas, James 21 5ft. 4 in. Bellie, Murray Labourer Fochabers May 4 Thomson, John (22) 5ft. 9 in. Raine, Aberdeen Wright (Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse) Julys Thomson, William .. 26 5ft. 5 in. Elgin, Murray Labourer Elgin June 12 Webster, Arthur . . 30 5ft. 7Un. Forglen, Banff Gardener (John) Bruce, (Aberdeen) June 4 Whinton, John 29 5ft. 5 in. Inverkeithny, Banff Labourer Laggan June 4 Wilkie, Peter 25 5ft. 9} in. Glass, Banff May 16 Wood, Robert 45 5ft. 6 in. Stitchel, Tweedale Taylor Huntly JulyS Wrachan, John Yeats, John 19 5ft. ' '7 ' in. Aberlour, Banff Labourer (Lieut. Gordon, Wardhouse) July 29 Young, John 28 5ft. 6 in. Fordyce, Banff Blacks'th Fochabers June 30 The Highland character of the corps is shown by the fact that 348 of the 930 privates bore surnames beginning with " Mac." There were 26 Camerons (19 being in the Duke's company), 24 Grants (15 in Cumming's company), over 20 Frasers (17 in Fraser's company), and only 7 Gordons ; Sergeant Charles Gordon, of Haddo's company, is entered as " in prison." In the Duke's and Lord William's companies there are 83 different surnames, out of 186 different privates. Of these, the only English ones are Oxford and Reynolds. It is rather strange that 1 8 of the 930 privates were returned dead in the September- December muster roll (five occurring in Campbell's company), and there were two desertions. The following summary of the first muster roll discloses some interesting facts at a glance : COMPANY. Duke of Gordon Lord William Gordon John Campbell James Chisholm A. P. Gumming Sir William Forbes .. STATION. Fochabers Fort George PRIVATES. 94 94 92 92 9i 93 PRIVATES EFFICIENT. 91 94 89 9i 90 90 'MACS. 37 16 40 27 22 12 THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1778-83. 125 PRIVATES COMPANY. STATION. PRIVATES. EFFICIENT. "MACS." James Eraser Fort-George ... 92 ... 90 ... 45 Lord Haddo ... 93 ... 93 ... 35 George Mackay ... ... 93 ... 93 ... 65 Lachlan Mackintosh ... 96 ... 90 ... 49 It is not very easy to follow the early movements of the regiment. One company seems to have been stationed in October, 1778, in Cromarty, and the entire regiment marched through Aberdeen in May, 1779, for Ayr, from which the companies radiated in several directions. Then the second set of musters at the Record Office for the period of 182 days, ending June 24, 1779, discloses these facts: PRIVATES COMPANY. PLACE. PRIVATES. EFFICIENT. Duke of Gordon - Ayr 96 94 Lord William Gordon - Ayr 96 93 James Chisholm - Irvine - 96 84 John Campbell - Ayr 96 84 Alexander Penrose Gumming Greenock 96 82 William Finlason Kirkcudbright - 96 86 Sir William Forbes Irvine - 96 85 Lord Haddo Ayr 96 91 George Mackay - Greenock 96 91 Lachlan Mackintosh - Kirkcudbright - 96 81 The Northern Fencibles never moved out of Scotland, but were simply shifted from town to town, mostly in the south. They were on duty in Glasgow when the news of the riots instigated by the Duke's crazy brother, Lord George, reached Gordon Castle in June, 1780. The Duchess was living alone in the Castle, and on hearing the news she hurried off to Edinburgh to be nearer the sources of information. There she found Beattie, the poet, who went on with her to Glasgow, where she remained till the review of the regiment was over, after which she and the Duke set off for London. The details of its five years of life, however, were not in any case exciting. Stewart (Highlanders, 2nd ed. ii. 305) says that the regiment was " so healthy and efficient," that " only 24 " of the men died during its five years' existence. In 1781 and 1782 the regiment, or part of it, seems to have been stationed in Aberdeen, for the Aberdeen Journal (August 6, 1781, P- 4> col. 3) records a mysterious mutiny, of which I can find no official records : On Friday last a general Court Martial was held here, for the trial of John Eraser and William Kennedy, soldiers in the North Fencible Regiment, for being actively concerned in a mutiny among the soldiers 126 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. of that corps,- on Sunday evening the I5th of July. His Grace the Duke of Gordon was President, and Sir James Dunbar, Judge Advocate of the Court, which was composed of officers from the North Fencibles and Sutherland Fencibles. The trial continued Friday and Saturday, and is to go on this morning. The Aberdeen Journal, July 29, 1782, records another event at Aberdeen : Deserted yesterday morning from the Northern Fencible Regiment quartered here, John Cameron, aged 24, 5 feet 6 inches high, fair com- plexion, fair hair, grey eyes, born parish Kincardine and county of Inverness, and Euan McPhie, aged 33, 5 feet 9 inches high, brown complexion, brown hair, blue eyes, born in the parish of Kilmalie, Inverness-shire. At last the order for the disbandment of the regiment was made on March 20, 1783, as follows: George R. Whereas We have thought fit to order our North Regiment of Fencible Men under your [Duke of Gordon's] command to be disbanded, and have appointed Our Trusty and Well-beloved Lieutenant General Mackay to attend the doing thereof : Our will and pleasure is that upon the arrival of the said Lieutenant General Mackay or such person or persons as he shall appoint for this service at the quarters of Our said Regiment in North Britain, you take care that the several companies thereof be dismissed our service in such manner and according to such instructions as we have signified to the said Lieutenant General Mackay in that behalf. Given at Our Court at St. James's this 2Oth day of March, 1783, in the twenty third year of our reign. The final muster roll (of which there are 1 1 bundles at the Record Office, W.O. 13: 3,900) is for the 118 days ending April 21, 1783, although some of the companies had been disbanded before that. The dates of the disbandment were as follows : COMPANY. PRIVATES. DISBANDED. PLACE. Duke of Gordon - - - 92 - April 12 - Aberdeen Lord William Gordon - - 62 - James Chisholm - - - 87 - May 30 Fort George Alexander Penrose Gumming 85 - William Finlason- - 62 - April 12 - Aberdeen Charles Gordon - 49 - John Gordon 9* - A P ril 22 - Fort George John Grant - - - - 60 - Lachlan Mackintosh - - 46 - May 30 Thomas Russel - - - 27 - April 12 - Aberdeen THE NORTHERN FENCIBLES, 1/78-83. I2/ The Duke's patriotic services were appreciated by his neighbours, for the Aberdeen Town Council sent him a letter of thanks in April 7, 1783, and the Magistrate of Peterhead, the batteries of which town were in charge of one of his sergeants, also thanked him. The Aber- deen letter ran as follows : My Lord Duke, Being informed that Your Grace's Regiment of North Fencibles is ordered soon to be disembodied, before that event takes place, We think it our indispensable duty in name of this City and Community to express the just since [sense] we entertain of not only of the laudable and spirited exertion made by Your Grace in first raising of the Regiment for the internal defence of the Country, at a period, when its situation so much called for a protection, but also of the good conduct and behaviour of the Corps since their establishment, by which they have upon all occasions done so much honour to themselves. We are no less particularly sensible of the exact discipline and good order which has uniformly been maintained by all the Officers, as well as of the regular and peaseable deportment of the Soldiers, during the long time we have had the happiness of the Regiment's head quarters being at Aberdeen, in so much that we are convinced, they are all lookt upon and esteemed as good citizens, equally as well disciplined Military. Impressed with these sentiments, We beg leave in this manner to communicate them to Your Grace, and to request that you will be so good as convey them to the Officers and Corps, in any manner that Your Grace shall think most suitable and proper. We have only to add that We sincerely wish all happiness and prosperity to Your Grace's illustrious Family, and that we have the honour to be with the most profound respect and esteem My Lord Duke, Your Grace's most faithfull and most obedt. Servts., W. YOUNG, Provost. The Duke replied to this epistle, dating from Aberdeen the same day (April 7): Gentlemen, I have the honor of your very polite letter of this date, and I take the earliest opportunity to assure you that it is highly flattering to me and to the Officers under my Command to have our conduct approved of by a Body so respectable as the Lord Provost and Magistrates of Aberdeen. We do, Gentlemen, most sincerely thank you for this publick testi- mony of your esteem. It does infinite honor to the Corps, and confers a lasting obligation upon us all. I in particular, am proud to find that the measures I pursued for the internal defence of this Country have given satisfaction to those 128 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. who constitute so distinguished a part of the Community. I am highly obliged to you, Gentlemen, for your good wishes in favour of my family and I beg leave to assure you that upon every occasion I shall have entirely at heart the Interest and Prosperity of the City of Aberdeen. LORD HUNTLY'S BLACK WATCH COMPANY. I/go: RAISED BY THE /J.TH DUKE OF GORDON: DISCHARGED 1 79 1. The fourth of the Duke of Gordon's six experiments in recruiting was the Independent Company, raised nominally by his son, the hand- some young Marquis of Huntly, but really under the powerful aegis of his Grace himself, and taken to the Black Watch in 1790. It is of peculiar interest, for the Black Watch suggested the tartan adopted by the Gordons, a Huntly manufacturer adding the famous yellow stripe. The return of the Black Watch from America was one of the sensations of the autumn of 1789. Landing at Portsmouth in October after an absence of 14 years, it was visited by hundreds of people as it marched northwards over Finchley Common, where it had had a lament- able experience in 1743 > an d when it reached Edinburgh in the summer its reception was most enthusiastic. Owing, however, to difficulties in the Highlands, the attempt to increase its strength failed. It was probably this which made the Marquis raise his Independent Company, although, on the other hand, he may have enlisted it to serve with any regiment of his choice. As a matter of fact, he took it to the Black Watch, having exchanged with Captain Alexander Grant. The Letter of Sefvice for the raising of the company does not seem to have been preserved at Gordon Castle, but it would appear to have been sent to the young Marquis on October 13, 1790, for, writing from Gordon Castle on November 8, 1790, to Sir George Yonge, Secretary for War, he says (Gordon Castle Papers} : I had the honour to receive your letter of the I3th October convey- ing His Majesty's commands for my raising an Independent Company of Foot upon the terms therein mentioned ; of which I accept with pleasure and expect soon to be able to return my complement compleat. I beg leave to offer my compliments and best thanks and also to present my compliments and thanks to Lady Yonge for the cockade which her ladyship was so attentive as to send me some posts ago. 129 R 130 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. The Marquis put out all oars, getting help from every side. The earliest correspondent on the subject was James Saunders, who wrote to Todd, the Duke's factor, from Edinburgh on October 30, 1790, as follows (Ibid) : . As I most heartily wish the Marquis success in his recruiting busi- ness, a thought has struck me that I may be of use to him, and also to that vagabond,' my ffriend, Jock of Lurg. He is certainly one of the best Serjeant kites in the kingdom. I therefore sent for him this after- noon, and pointed out to him where he might find a more powerful advocate as to his possession of Campdel than any man in the island, and that was the Marquis of Huntly. Bringing his Lordship ten or a dozen recruits, he might wipe off a deal of that stigma that is presently out against him, and perhaps might obtain the deed warrant recalled that is presently issued against him. He seemed to relish the thought much, and proposes setting out from this Monday, and to be with you at Pitmain Wednesday morning ; but, as I know from experience that he is not a very true tryster, I trouble you with this in case he does not take the Badenoch route, that you may, if the Marquis approves of it, please send for him and conferr on this subject. I know perfectly if he embarks in this business he will save the Marquis and you both a world of drudgery. I have told Lurg that liberal bounty money will be allowed. They are most extravagant here in that article. Lord Dalhousie [who had entered the 3rd Dragoon Guards in 1788] is giving 20 guineas for some stout fellows. But I hope the Marquis will beat all of our south country down, and show himself to be the Cock of the North, and that his country produces men and not sheep. Naturally enough, the town of Huntly was deeply interested in the Marquis's efforts, and William Forsyth, the designer of Gordon tartan, took special pride in the recruiting. On November 6, he informed Menzies that he had got a recruit named Mackie for 5 y 2 guineas. " We are now twelve men strong." He hopes to keep pace with Fochabers. " Sergeant Gordon, who is very active, wants a sword and belt, and the lads understand you give a decent shirt, so that there will be a great demand for shirts ; which attend to." Forsyth, who supplied shirts to the extent of 150 yards of linen, had, you see, an eye to business. On November 9, he again reports progress (Ibid') : There is some difference between Sergeant Gordon and George Donald. The latter says he was promised Sergeant's pay and wishes to walk with ye sergeant. We can't spare Gordon. He's a diligent, honest fellow. Say what's to be done. We have a lad of five feet inches in treaty. . . . LORD HUNTLY'S BLACK WATCH COMPANY. 13* Since yesterday [November 16] at 4 o'clock we have danced in the street and publick house to one o'clock this morning. By dint of drink and bank notes [we] have got five good recruits, all sober this morning and duly attested. In still another letter, which is undated, he writes (Ibid.') : We had a very handsome, well-dressed party beating about yester- day. Depend that every exertion will be made to promote ye Marquis's plan of getting recruits. I'm as much disposed to ceconomie as any, but find that it will be necessary to give high bounties from five to ten guineas. You can't judge what effect money has among a lower class. . . . . The whiskie is not quite out of my head. The party requir'd a good deal. Coming to Glenlivet, we get a very interesting letter from William Gordon, Minmore, who got a commission in the regiment. Writing to the Duke on November 16 (Ibid?): When I had the honour of waiting on your Grace some time ago at Glendifnch upon a report that your Grace was to be concerned in raising a regt, I requested the honour of being recommended for an ensigncy in that event. Tho' your Grace has not engaged on the plan then expected, as I understand the Marquis is raising an Independent Com- pany, I hope your Grace will pardon my presuming to request my earnest desire and ambition to serve under any of the Noble Family, particularly one whose transcendent virtues attract the love and admira- tion of all who have the honour to approach his person. If, therefore, the ensigncy is not promised, I will venture to request of your Grace, in addition to numberless other favors, to be recommended for it. If men were an object to his lordship, I think I could undertake for the ordinary compliment [sic]. At least, I am convinced my chance would be as good as any from this quarter, and, could I assure them that I were to be engaged, 1 believe I have half a dozen ready to follow me, whom I have tried in vain on any other footing. But I will urge nothing farther on the subject. An accumulation of favours have established in me such unbounded confidence in your Grace, that if the appointment is not promised, I will venture to hope for a favourable answer. The (undated) petition of Duncan Gordon in Glenfeshie to the Marquis is also another pleasant document (Ibid?) : Humbly sheweth : That his lot in the world has been various and uncertain the first periode of his life in afluence. He has been twice married: has two sons by his first wife in the Artillery at Giberalter. Their appearance would please your lordship, and according to your petitioner's information their conduct would intitle them to your lordship's 132 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. patronage and protection. That your petitioner through old age and infirmities is not only reduced to indigent circumstances, but is now unable to work for the support of his second wife and her issue, the bearer hereof being their second son and best support. Notwithstand- ing, they think him well bestowed when their Chief has use for him. May it therefore please your lordship to take the bearer not only under your protection, but also to consider him as your lordship's own, to do with him as may seem best to your lordship. That your lordship may long live to support friends and suppress enemies shall ever be the prayers of Duncan Gordon. As in all the recruiting experiences of the Gordons, Lochaber (where the Duke owned 110,494 acres) proved helpful, producing 15 men, including seven Camerons, one of whom is described as " a present from Lochiel." Besides these, the "Gentlemen" offered 16 more men. Whether these were forthcoming does not appear, but a note on the Lochaber list says : " Many of the above Gentlemen offered 1 5 and even 20 guineas for a man to present to his lordship." Over and above the 1 6, Captain Macdonell of Keppoch "undertook to give four men for Keppoch and two for himself " ; but upon Keppoch's being appointed ensign, the Marquis dispensed with them. As it turned out, however, Alexander Macdonell of Keppoch was able to produce only one man. Writing on November 30, he says (Ibid?) : What hurts me most is that I fear the Marquis of Huntly may, from my want of success in recruiting, be dubious of my attachment to his interest. The truth is that I have not the method myself; neither have I the young men. My nephew finds I could not even collect them together for the purpose of concerting some plan of getting men for him : and for the lower class the same aversion to the service runs through the whole. Some people are still out with recruiting orders. What their success may be I know not : but, if they bring in any recruits, they shall be sent to meet the Marquise's party at Edinburgh when my nephew will have the honour of paying his respects to him. My nephew was on his way to Edinburgh when at Fort William he mett with some of his tutors, who advised him to remain in the country till he was honoured with further instructions from the Marquis, as letters were said to have been received to put a stop to the recruiting of the Independent Companies. No person can have a more gratefull sense of the many essential! favours conferred upon the family of Keppoch than I ; and doubt not but that I can point out to you where his Grace the Duke of Gordon might pocket near 1,000 yearly more than his present rent roll, if his LORD HUNTLY'S BLACK WATCH COMPANY. 133 Grace did not prefer his present sett of tenants to strangers. But that and the ingratitude of the people upon the ffarms which my nephew holds by His Grace's goodness, I shall defer at present and shall mention only one man who ask'd no less a sum than 100 sterl. The offers I have made to many I would be ashamed to own. A somewhat similar plaint was made by James Glashan, who wrote from Keith, December 7, about William Davidson, late servant to James Grant, merchant there. In the previous month Davidson had received from his master in the house of Robert Gordon, vintner, Keith, half a guinea by way of enlisting money (Ibid?) : But before he left the room he repented and threw back the half guinea : and which has since been in the keeping of one Ff raser, another recruit . . . Under all these circumstances, Davidson, rather than to have the matter judicially cognosed before the Justice [Gordon of Cairnfield], chose to refer himself to the Marquis and to acquiesce in what his lordship should determine : for which purpose he goes just now to Gordon Castle. This disinclination was, however, by no means universal. Thus, Captain John Grant, writing to Menzies from Tammore, November 19, cites a very different case (Ibid?) : If ye Marquiss is not provided in drummers, I was induced to inlist one for him, a very fine hansome boy with an excellent eer, who would not part with his comrade, one of ye lads I attested. He tear'd [cried ?] like a child to enlist. Again John Stuart, Pityoulish, wrote (December 4) about another case (Ibid?) : The bearer, Rhanald McDonald (who got a man for the Marquis at Grantoun) I have prevailed upon to offer himself to the Marquis ; a stoute man who, I hope, will answer. If so, please hyre a horse for him at my expenses, untill he wins up with ye rest of the men. The man has been a soldier before. In the event he hands a man to his lordship, he expects the Marquis sometime or other may procure the pension for him. The personal touch was very important in all these recruiting endeavours. Thus, James Glashan, writing from Keith, November 30, gives it as his and Gordon of Coynachie's opinion that the Marquis's " riding into Banff would have a very good effect." The Marquis had spread his net as far south as Edinburgh, the family friend, Charles Gordon of Braid, keeping his eyes open. He wrote from Edinburgh to Braid on November 22 (Ibid?): 134 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. Sir, I last night fell in with two very stout old Fencibles, who were willing to inlist under Lord Huntly's banners. I took the liberty of calling at your house [in] Princes Street at rather a late hour, as I was afraid they might not be so keen when some borrowed spirit had left them. [The men were apparently Alexander McKinlay, formerly a sergeant in the Fencibles, and Donald McDonald, the latter of whom drew back.] One of the greatest obstacles encountered by the Marquis was the attitude of the employer of labour, especially in the case of indentured apprentices. Thus, when Isaac Watson, Abraham Craib and Walter Milton, apprentices of Provost George Robinson, stockingmaker of Banff, enlisted, that worthy strongly objected. Watson had been a servant with James Milne of Boyndie. On December 2, 1789, he entered a seven years' apprenticeship with Robinson's firm. On November 20, (1790), he went to Gordon Castle and offered himself as a recruit to the Marquis's company, receiving a bounty of five guineas and 6s. to drink the King's health. He then returned to Banff on holiday, and was arrested. He wrote to Menzies from Portsoy on November 24, as follows (Ibid?) : Sir, I most inform you that last night ay was taken prisener about seven aclock at night. P[l]eas send word to reliv me, as shone [soon] as posoble. You wil ableadg your humb[l]e servant. On December I, 1/90, the Robinsons presented a petition to the Banff Justices of the Peace, who decided that Watson must return to his work, under a penalty of 30, and forbade the Marquis of Huntly to molest him under a penalty of 50. The Marquis intervened in the case, " not upon the distinguished character as eldest son of one of the first peers of the realm . . . but simply as captain of the company." Robinson on his side declared that he raised the case not because he wanted to retain Watson personally, but because he thought it would have a bad effect on his other apprentices. He wrote to Huntly, November 25 (Ibid?) : I am compelled to adopt these measures to deter the rest of my apprentices from leaving their service after they have been taught their business with much labour and expense. I should be sorry to do any- thing to interrupt your Lordship's success in recruiting. On the contrary, nothing would give me more pleasure than to forward it by any means in my power. At the same time, I trust the circumstance will shew the indispensable necessity of making examples of these apprentices. LORD HUNTLY'S BLACK WATCH COMPANY. 135 Another apprentice case occurred with a certain Mr. Thurburn, who, writing from Drum, December 6, said (Ibid?) : Mr. Thurburn returns his most respectfull compliments to the Marquis of Huntly, acknowledging the great honour done him by the card of yesterday. It is Mr. Thurburn' s sincere wish that Siveright may do the Marquis more honour as a soldier than he has given him satisfac- tion as an apprentice. As to any money due to him by Mr. Thurburn, that method appears to have been totally misrepresented. Instead of this, Mr. Thurburn has incurr'd more expence (now useless), and suffer'd more loss than his apprentice is ever likely to repay ; of which Mr. Thurburn will chearfully give the Marquis the most satisfactory proof, if he should condescend to enquire into it. Masters sometimes took much pains to keep an apprentice. Thus, John Grant, Keith, writes (November 25) to Menzies about a " truely handsome boy " named Davidson : " His master, John Stables, has kept him out of the way, but ye lads that are here will find him out and bring him down if he keeps Keith." Sometimes the recruits were undesirable for other reasons. On Dec- ember 5, William Marshall wrote to Menzies from Keithmore (Ibid?} : It seems that Peter Steuart, who has enlisted himself with My Lord Huntly, means to defraud him [Thomson in Mains of Balveny] of a just debt which he has his bill for, and the purport of this is to see if you can be of any service to him in trying to recover it before Steuart leaves the country : which, I hear, will be soon. In spite of the letters quoted here of a later date, a halt seems to have been made in the recruiting, under a circular letter of November 22, which was sent from Gordon Castle to Captain Godsman ; Captain Grant, Rippachy ; James Gordon, Portsoy ; Gordon, Coynachie ; George Bell, Cocklarachie ; and William Forsyth, Huntly. It announced (Ibid.} : All recruiting for the Marquis of Huntly's Company being now stopped, in consequence of orders from the War Office, I at his lord- ship's orders request the favour of you to forward here immediately on receipt all the lads you may have enlisted, and in course of post to transmitt me their attestations and a particular account of the levy money, etc., paid by you. Forsyth advises Menzies, November 23, that a kind of rendezvous for the recruits had been fixed at Ruthven market, that day (Ibid} : They will all be collected and make their appearance tomorrow 136 TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. [at Gordon Castle] before the Marquis, except Brodie whose wife's in labour. She's so bound up in Johne that she wou'd realy lose her reason. He's a good recruit and very steady and willing, and will appear when a young soger is brought forth. The total cost of the recruits to the Marquis between October 27, 1790, and March 12, 1791, was 1,054 6s. 8d., including the following expenses : Bounty Money 492 7 6 Incidental Expenses 492 17 o Subsistence . . . . ^ . . 132 i 2 The company marched south in the beginning of December, the Aberdeen Journal (of December 13) recording: Last week passed through this place the Marquis of Huntly's Independent Company, under the command of Lieutenant Gordon. The Company is more than complete, was raised in about three weeks : and we do not exaggerate when we say that a company of finer young fellows never carried arms. Such was their zeal and attachment to their noble young lord that few, if any, would accept the King's bounty [though they did not hesitate to accept the Marquis's as we have seen]. The Marquis got his commission in the Black Watch, January 25, 1791, and brought his Independent Company with him, much to the joy of the Regiment (then at Edinburgh Castle), which had failed in its own endeavours to recruit at this time. The Marquis's contingent numbered 93 men, and they figure for the first time in the regimental muster, December, i79O-June, 1791 (W.O. 12: 5,480). Strange to say, however, only 43 were retained, for 40 were discharged on February 21, 8 on March 5 ; I on May 27 ; and I on June 1.3, 1791. The names of 58 figure in the collection of papers at Gordon Castle dealing with the company, and give details of bounties and some interesting facts. Of these 58, however, eighteen never reached the regiment at all, and three at least, all bearing the name of Macraw, soon deserted. The following roll is made up from the Gordon Castle data and from the official muster roll (W.O. 12; 5480):- MEN. REMARKS. BOUNTY. DISCHARGE. Alexander, Peter - Feb. 21, 1791 Aver (?), John Gordon Castle List: not in ^5 5/- W.O. 12: 5480 Beaton, Angus - Feb. 21, 1791 Bisset, Thomas Gordon Castle List - - - S $/- LORD HUNTLY'S BLACK WATCH COMPANY. MEN. Brodie, John- Buchanan, John - Cameron, Alexander Cameron, Allan Cameron, Allan Cameron, Donald - Cameron, Duncan - Cameron, Duncan - Cameron, James - Cameron, John Cameron, Martin - Chisholm, Roderick Clark, Andrew Clark, Duncan Craib, Alexander - Cruickshank, James Gumming, George Davidson, John Davidson, Thomas Davidson, William Donald, George - Donald, John Donaldson, James Dumbreck, John - Dunbar, John Duncan, William - Fraser, Alexander - Eraser, John - Fraser, Simon Fraser, William - Gilbert, John Glass, James Gordon, Alexander Gordon, James Gordon, John Grant, Duncan Grant, Lewis Henry, James REMARKS. whose wife was "in labour" son to Donald Moir, viz., Cameron, at Lochroy, Inver- ness Enlisted by Cameron of Fassi- fern from Mr. Steuart, Lochaber. One of these Allans is not in W.O. 12: 5480 may perhaps be Duncan in W.O. 12 : 5480 from the Ballichbeg tenants, Lochaber from the Ballichmore tenants, Lochaber from the Ballichmore tenants, Lochaber from Macdonell, Inch, Loch- aber son of Cameron of Letterfinlay, not in W.O. 12 : 5480 from McLenachar Moir, Loch- aber died Jan. 22, 1791 not in W.O. 12 : 5480 enlisted by Sergeant Gordon late servant to James Grant, merchant, Keith Sergeant: not in W.O. 12: 5480 brother of George BOUNTY. DISCHARGE. Feb. 21, 1791 Mar. 5, 1791 5 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 i 1 cu. ^ i, i /yi Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 6 si- Feb. 21, 1791 s" io/- Feb. 2r, 1791 3 3/- Feb. 21, 1791 s sl- 13 131- Feb. 2r, 1791 s St- 3 3h Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 s "sl- Mar. 5, 1791 Mar. 5, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 S Si- Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 May 27, 1791 S 138 Men. Home, George Kennedy, Neil Lyon, John - McArthur, Alexander McBain, Duncan - McDonald, Alexander McDonald, Archibald McDonald, George McDonald, James- McDonald, James (2) McDonald, John - Macdonell, Forbes MacDowall, James McEachan, Alexander Me Ed ward, Donald McGregor, Alexander McKay, William - Mackie, William - Mackenzie, Donald Mackenzie, Duncan Mackenzie, Thomas Mackenzie, William McKinlay, Alexander McLachlan, Robert McLeod, Alexander McLeod, Donald - McLeod, Neil Macpherson, Allan Macpherson, Duncan Macpherson, John (i) Macpherson, John (2) Macpherson, Malcolm Macpherson, William Macraw, Donald - Macraw, Farquhar Macraw, Murdoch Macraw, Murdoch Mathieson, William TERRITORIAL SOLDIERING. REMARKS. BOUNTY. DISCHAKGE. Lochaber 10 5 5/- not in W.O. 12: 5480 - - "McBean" in W.O. 12: 5480- Glencoe Feb. 21, 1791 recommended by Achtriachton, not in W.O. 12 : 5480 enlisted by William Forsyth W.O. 12 : 5480 may be the same as Donald - ,5 sergeant, not in W.O. 12: 5480 2.5 formerly in a regiment of Fen- ^5 cibles, not in W.O. 12 : 5480 Age 20, height 5 ft. 5 ins. ; lab- ourer, Killearnan ; enlisted Nov. 18; not in W.O. 12 : 5480 Duncan, in Gordon Castle List - from Mr. Ross, Lochaber - age 23, height 5 ft. 8 ins., born at Alvie ; enlisted Nov. 8 ; not in W.O. 12 : 5480 not in W.O. 12 : 5480 age 22, height 5 ft. 9^ ins. ; labourer, Kintail ; enlisted Nov. 2 : deserted. age 23, height 5 ft. 8 ins. ; .3 labourer, Glenelchaig, Ross ; enlisted Nov. 12: deserted from Achriachton, Lochaber; not in W.O. 5480. age 25, height 5 ft. 6 ins. ; labourer, Glenelchaig ; en- listed Nov. 12, at Inverlochy; deserted Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 7, 1791 Feb. 7, 1791 15 6 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 l- 71- Sl- Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 LORD HUNTLY'S BLACK WATCH COMPANY. MEN. Mathieson, William Murray, William - Nicholson, James - Patello, William - Porterfeld, James - Robb, James Robertson, Duncan Ross, Hugh - Ross, John - Roy, James - Shaw, Angus Shaw, John - Sivewright, John - Slorach, George - Smith, Thomas Stewart, Alexander Stewart, John Stewart, William - Sutherland, William Thomson, Peter - Wiseman, John REMARKS. may be the same as the other - age 18, height 5 ft. 6| ins. ; born in Dumbarton; calico printer; enlisted Nov. 20, not in W.O. 12 ; 5480. drummer : not in W.O. 12 : 5480 his master got 21 /- age 1 6, height 5 ft ; labourer, Kingussie ; enlisted Nov. I ; not in W.O. 12 : 5480 BOUNTY. 3 DISCHARGE. Mar. 5, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 5 5/- 3 3/- 3 3/- Feb. 21, i 179* Feb. 21, i '79 1 Mar. 5, 1791 June 1 3. i !79 J 3" 3/- Mar. 5, 1791 Mar. 5, 1791 si- Feb. 21, 1791 Feb. 2i, 1791 Mar. 5, 1791 Feb. 21, 1791 The regiment was reviewed in Edinburgh in June, 1791, by the Marquis's grand uncle, Lord Adam Gordon, who was then Commander of the Forces in Scotland, and marched north in October, companies being sent to Fort George, Dundee, Montrose, Banff and Aberdeen, to the last of which two were allotted. The Marquis paraded these com- panies on the Links of Aberdeen, August 2, 1792, and gave them "a handsome gratuity for drink money." A jingle which became a sort of catchword at the time ran : Cock o' the North, my Huntly braw, Whaur are ye wi' the Forty Twa ? The Marquis was so proud of his uniform that he was presented at Court in it, and tartan soon became the rage of Society in London, his mother, the enterprising Duchess, introducing it in silk, and being caricatured in a famous print of 1792 as th